Why Israel is Stuck

Three concepts of Western warfare

After months of threatening a Rafah invasion, Israel finally went in. They quickly took the civilian crossing with Egypt – in violation of the peace treaty negotiated between the two countries to Israel’s great advantage in the 1970s. They planted Israeli flags at the crossing, blasted the sign saying “I love Gaza”, and declared a kind of “Mission Accomplished” moment.

But like George W Bush’s speech which was supposed to be the end of the Iraq war but was actually the beginning of the Iraq insurgency and a major step in the long-term erosion of American supremacy, Israel’s declaration of victory is premature.

Over the next few days, Palestinian resistance groups initiated a series of operations (many of which they recorded in dramatic field videos) at a tempo nearly unmatched in the war, now in its eighth month. Resistance spokesman Abu Obeida told listeners that the fighters had scored hits on 100 Israeli military vehicles in 10 days in Rafah in the south of Gaza, Jabalia in the north, and Zeitoun in the north (from which the Israelis have since withdrawn). Israeli soldiers, Abu Obeida said, were suffering casualties “by the dozen”. 

Under heavy fire in both Rafah and Jabalia, Israel is likely to withdraw from these areas as well. We can then expect a return to aerial bombardment and siege warfare on the starving population. Then more raids, perhaps into the middle of Gaza, during which Israel will lose more soldiers and more vehicles, before withdrawing. Then a period of bombing, then more raids. All the while, Lebanon’s Hizbollah will be hitting military installations on Israel’s northern border with escalating firepower and Yemen’s Ansarallah will be tightening a blockade on ships trading with Israel. 

Based on the experiences of the 2006, 2008/9, 2012, 2014, and 2021 wars, Israel would have been expected to have accepted a ceasefire by now, having settled for the demonstration effect of killing between 40,000 – 200,000 or more (according to an estimate made by Ralph Nader) and unwilling to bear the growing costs in soldiers’ lives, displaced Israelis, and economic difficulties. 

Why has Israel been so determined this time, compared to previous times? Is it the case that, having mobilized around half a million men, that the numbers of casualties sustained in these ground operations is bearable by Israel, even if Israeli casualties reach the thousands or even tens of thousands? 

This is, likely, the calculation. Israel has mobilized all available troops and the US has provided all the firepower Israel can wield. But this approach of maximal firepower and maximum mobilization – of overkill and of over-mobilization – has disconnected Israel from normal military calculations and normal strategic thinking, rendering it vulnerable to the resistance’s counter-strategies.

To understand this vulnerability, let’s break down Western wars in history into three types: Clausewitzian, counterinsurgency, and genocidal.

Clausewitz says war is policy by other means; Counterinsurgency wars are about controlling a population; Genocidal wars are about destroying the foundations of life.

Clausewitz’s book On War uses the campaigns of Frederick the Great, the Prussian king who fought with his European neighbours, and of Napoleon, who fought all the rest of Europe combined (while also fighting a genocidal war against Haiti, but we’ll leave that aside for this article). In these wars, the goal is to inflict losses on the enemy’s military to compel the loser to do the winner’s bidding. 

In colonial counterinsurgency wars, the goal is population control. Insurgent leaders are targeted for assassination. Insurgent and insurgency-suspected organizations are dismantled by arrest and imprisonment, physical destruction, and sabotage. Compliant leaders are installed and supported. Populations are overawed and terrorized by campaigns of torture and demonstrative massacres, including “punitive raids”. Recent examples of these wars are the US wars on Iraq and Afghanistan, and general Israeli behavior in the West Bank. 

In colonial genocidal wars, the goal is extermination. Food sources are targeted – both stored food and crops. Masses of people are killed indiscriminately including women, children, noncombatants. Survivors of massacres are driven into unlivable areas to die and ringed with enough firepower to kill them if they try to escape. Many of the US “Indian Wars” followed this pattern (see Stannard’s American Holocaust and Grenier’s The First Way of War) as did the German genocides of the Herero in 1905 and the Nama in 1908, reported in, e.g., The Kaiser’s Holocaust

Israel has been trying to conduct a genocidal war on Gaza since 2005. The idea was to surround Gaza with the Gaza fence and the ring of settlements known as the Gaza envelope; to use automated weapons, AI targeting, and frequent “mowing the lawn” aerial massacres to prevent exit without being labor-intensive; and to gradually render the entire Gaza Strip unlivable by the destruction of farmer’s fields, denial of coastal fishing, and an ever-constricting siege of food supplies. 

The strategy was foiled by the Palestinians in Gaza, who managed to keep making Gaza livable while also generating a military resistance capable of counterattack (the notorious rockets) and ultimately, on October 7 2023, of breaching the ring of firepower built to keep them contained in their long-term death trap.

To counter the Palestinian strategy, since October 7th, Israel has tried to further constrict the area through total siege, bringing about famine; destroy every hospital to deepen the unlivability of the strip; and finally to use their ground forces to break Gaza into smaller enclaves in the hope that each enclave might be made uninhabitable in a way that the entire Gaza strip could not be. 

In response to this, the Palestinian resistance has maintained steady military pressure on Israeli troops forming the individual rings of fire to try to enclave Gaza, forcing the Israelis to withdraw after taking losses each time. The network of tunnels and the resilient local weapons industry has made it impossible for Israel to destroy the armed resistance, even as the Palestinian civilian population is targeted for genocide.

Now we can return to a discussion of why overkill and overmobilization haven’t brought Israel to victory.

Overkill means the ability to threaten is gone. Israel’s doctrine of massively disproportionate violence against civilians (called the Dahiya doctrine for a neighbourhood Israel destroyed in Lebanon) has culminated in Gaza in the most appalling string of war crimes that could, if an actual system of international justice were to materialize, at some point see its leaders in jail for crimes. But in the military context, the consequence is that Israel cannot use the threat of firepower to try to get compliance. If they are going to exterminate you no matter what, if they shoot anything that moves, if they attack hospitals – then there’s no benefit to complying and no additional penalty for defiance, since they’ll kill you in any case if they get the chance. 

Overmobilization means most soldiers have nothing to do. The transformation into rubble of most of the urban surface of Gaza renders any counterinsurgency warfare strategy moot: there are no flows of people to try to control by setting up checkpoints, no one able to go to work or school as the schools and workplaces have been destroyed; no functioning civilian institutions to try to recruit spies and informants from; all leadership has moved underground. Would-be counterinsurgent troops have nothing to do except wander around in the rubble waiting to be ambushed from unseen tunnels. The Israelis have shaped the battlefield into one that gives them no role but to take a position, fire endless amounts of US-provided ammunition into the distance, and wait to be attacked. 

Israeli soldiers hanging around
Israeli soldiers walking in the rubble

While the mobilization of half a million troops means that losses of dozens of soldiers per day can be sustained for a very long time, these huge numbers can’t really be brought to bear on the enemy even if the Israelis were to try to go into the tunnels, which they thus far have not been. 

Mockery aside, the fact is warfare in the tunnels means multiplication of such incidents manyfold.

The Israeli army is much more than a military force: it is the melting pot meant to create social cohesion (now failing) in a country composed of people from all over the world with nothing in common. As Rabbi Yaakov Shapiro notes in The Empty Wagon, the Israeli Defence Forces officer training course contains modules like “What is Judalism? The uniqueness of the Jewish people; the people and land in a Jewish perspective; War and the army in a Jewish perspective; is Judaism a religion, a way of life, or a constitution?; the identity of the Jewish people.” Ben Gurion envisioned the army as the place where the “admixture of people which flows in from foreign exiles will be cleansed, refined and purified from harmful, foreign dross in the melting pot of Jewish brotherhood and through military discipline.” Shapiro notes, “sounds more like a rehab than an army.” Only a tiny fraction of this half million would have the qualities to even be accepted into, let alone complete, a training course on knife fighting in dark tunnels. Even the basics of staying out of windows or infantry cover for armored vehicles doesn’t seem to have been learned.

Meanwhile the seeping of the Hannibal doctrine – in which a soldier should expect to be killed by his comrades rather than risk becoming a captive and a potential bargaining chip to swap for thousands of Palestinian prisoners – into every corner of Israeli life since its application against masses of Israelis on October 7th and its pervasiveness in the army cannot but erode the confidence of the ordinary soldier. Not only does the Israeli army not have an ethos of “no man left behind”, the ethos is “don’t get captured or your comrades will kill you because your life is worth less to us than the Palestinian prisoners we’re torturing…”

Keeping bad news from the Israeli public is a high priority for the regime, and that seems to extend to the army as well, as soldiers don’t appear to learn lessons from their engagements with the resistance. Keeping this huge force in the field, supplied, and above all propagandized, is costly in proportion to its size – while military results do not appear to be. 

In 1905, the Germans were losing the war to the Nama. 20,000 Germans, succumbing to thirst and driving themselves mad, were chasing 2,000 nimble Nama cavalry, led by Hendrik Witbooi, around in the desert endlessly. 

Nama noncombatants had fled to the bush where they suffered from hunger hiding from the Germans. The Germans finally tried to convince the noncombatants to surrender by using missionaries, who promised to alleviate the starvation in exchange for surrender. They lied: when the Nama surrendered, they were sent on further death marches and into (perhaps a German innovation) the world’s first death camp on Shark Island. When the Germans couldn’t complete the genocide by war, they did so by deception. 

But that’s also a trick that expires, and a century later, the Palestinians won’t be deceived.  

The Scam of Nonviolence

Transcription of a discussion on The East is a Podcast, from 2021, inspired by Marcie Smith’s articles on Gene Sharp.

[Friends: following up the previous articles on nonviolence with this transcription of a discussion on The East is a Podcast, from 2021 inspired by Marcie Smith’s articles on Gene Sharp.]

Justin Podur: I’m here to discuss nonviolence with the panelists Sina Rahmani and Zeyad Nabulsy. And I wanted to start with the philosophical. And Zeyad is kind of a philosophical person who’s here.

Zeyad Nabulsy: Okay, I’ll introduce myself. I’m Zeyad and most of my research is on modern African intellectual history including African philosophy and history of science.

Justin Podur: It was your idea to discuss nonviolence.

Zeyad Nabulsy: I think in terms of the philosophical angle. So, so here is one way to explain why nonviolence is prevalent as a kind of trope that gets invoked in a lot of contemporary political discourse and in a lot of contemporary moral discourse. So think of like somebody who’s a Kantian, if you look at a certain approach to moral philosophy, it’s saying, okay, look, the world is a horrible place, basically, and I want to get out of this world with my hands as clean as possible. I think that’s more or less an accurate gloss of like what a Kantian would think. Once you have that point of view, I think then it becomes about fetishizing things like non-violence, fetishizing non-violence, and it becomes sort of a normative debate about what is right and wrong from a moral standpoint. And it’s not that these debates are not important, but I think when we’re talking about politics we’re talking about what is also efficacious, because sometimes the way people talk about this, they say something like violence never works, which, as a descriptive claim, is utterly false. So I that that’s where I think we should focus. That’s my view.

Justin Podur: So, normative. You mean, how one should behave?

Zeyad Nabulsy: Yes, precisely.

Justin Podur: So if you want to make the world a better place, you shouldn’t do violence. That kind of idea, because violence hurts the person you’re doing violence to.

Zeyad Nabulsy: Right. And it hurts you. So some people say, it dehumanizes you.

Justin Podur: Is that true?

Zeyad Nabulsy: Here’s the problem. I think the normative or moral standpoint becomes very inadequate for actually understanding concrete political issues. Under what conditions is violence acceptable? We don’t actually discuss any concrete case studies. So Palestine will be one of our central case studies. So my inclination is to think about how do these organizations work? What is efficacious? I know that sounds sort of Machiavellian, and it is. But I think that’s also like an element of Marxism is to, like, reject this moralistic, normative discourse.

Justin Podur: I’m all for moralistic discourse. I am. I think it’s a great thing to do to figure out how to be a good person and what what to do to be a good person in the world. You can build that abstract kind of house out of a series of premises. But when you get into a concrete political situation, then you have many, many, many more variables. And then to say that if someone is trying to kill you, if someone is doing Machiavellian, cold blooded politics against you, for you to say, I’m not going to do that in return, that could be immoral. You could be enabling something worse. So there are norms that work in simple situations or laboratory situations that don’t translate to the real world. So maybe that’s reason enough to reject starting from a normative perspective. I don’t know, are nonviolent people better people?

Sina Rahmani: This is bullshit. This is all bullshit. Like this entire idea, the world is this infinitely diverse place full of thousands of years of civilizational violence and and terror. The idea that you can break off history at a nice fictional point and say, oh, from now on, we do no violence. It’s a stupid liberal idea that ultimately says more about the discourse itself and the people who are trapped in it, i.e. all of us. Because once again, we have to realize that, like we talk about politics, we actually live in extremely depoliticized societies. All of us, especially in the English speaking world at least, whereby corporate media and the cultural wars that are curated by corporate media in alliance with academia curate a set of talking points for every semester, all pre-prepared. There’s a very small agenda of what gets discussed and it’s all done within this tiny bandwidth or narrow spectrum of this option. So all of this entire discourse is itself false, because what we’re doing is just doing political theory. The political theory of what is good and what is bad, which is totally stupid. And especially when it comes to the question of violence. A definition of violence is the guy with a Kalashnikov and a Keffiyeh as if that’s the only form of political violence, as if there isn’t political violence unfolding every day in late capitalist society everywhere. And it’s class and it’s race and it’s gendered, and it’s got all kinds of all kinds of complications and nuances based on the social context. And so the very idea that we can speak in theoretical terms, global theoretical terms about a stupid fake thing called nonviolence, it’s one of the one of the weird things that we absorbed as radicalism, which is sold to us as radicalism. So like WTO protest and all that stuff that the Gen X kids did. My contention is that this is just this is the conversation itself is false. But we should read this article.

Justin Podur: To skip ahead to the conclusion of this whole discussion from my perspective, is that the entire dichotomy is fake. The debate is fake, the dichotomy is fake. There’s no meaningful way to debate violence versus nonviolence in politics.

Sina Rahmani: It’s all a big red herring conversation.

Justin Podur: Violence. There’s no nonviolence. Both are always present. To divide it artificially into one and the other, it’s like, I can’t think of a great analogy. I’ve been thinking about analogies, and I think it’s like, imagine dividing fighting into punches with your right hand and punches with your left hand, and saying punches with your left hand are off limits, but punches with your right hand are are fine. You create this taboo when there’s no meaningful difference between those two things.

Zeyad Nabulsy: And can I just add something with that analogy? You’re banning using your left hand only on one side. So it’s asymmetric. That’s very important because your opponent doesn’t care. They’re like, okay, you’re an idiot, then I’m going to take advantage of it. Thank you.

Sina Rahmani: It’s a symptom of the fact that our depoliticized era is trapped under this stupid memorial rubble of World War two, the defeat of the Nazis and the rise of American Pax Americana as some kind of end of epoch in human history. Nonviolence and the institutionalization of it through activists and through the work of Gene Sharp, specifically the the presentation of the Third Reich as the antithesis to liberalism itself, with its with its weird, diabolical cousin, communism. Both of these are two wings of authoritarian politics that were thorough handedly defeated by liberalism in 1991, such that mediocre neocon philosophers were announcing the end of history.

Justin Podur: Let’s take it back to Domenico Losurdo’s book about nonviolence. Losurdo is a philosopher. But great history. He wrote The Counter History of Liberalism, which I would highly recommend to everybody. And then he has this book about nonviolence. And a lot of it’s got Gandhi, but the the chronological thing that he starts with is the so-called non resistors. So there were these abolitionists, white abolitionists, Christian religious people who were against slavery in the mid 19th century. You know, it’s from 1808 when when Britain, stopped the slave trade, they were pushing for abolition in America. And these people were they were very, very specific that they did not support any slaves uprising. So they were very careful. They broadcast that from everywhere. They were like, we don’t want slaves to take up arms. We don’t want slaves to rise up. Slaves should suffer and show their by their suffering that they’re human beings, Christians, etc and Losurdo talks about what happened in the 1840s. There were these thousands of riots, most of them against abolitionists, lots of them to do with politics and elections and stuff. And some of these some of these white abolitionists were lynched. They were killed by pro-slavery people. And he kind of tracks some of these non-resistance people. And the changes in their views as more and more of them are getting killed by pro-slavery and they gradually start at least supporting some kind of defensive violence, at least for themselves. They may not support a slave revolt, but they start saying, well, these people are, you know, we’re against violence, against human beings, but these are not human beings. William Lloyd Garrison being the the biggest example of this. Of course, there were black abolitionists like the people described in a book called Force and Freedom who were always about armed abolition, and John Brown put an end to the debate. He was like, “yeah, we’re not going to have this nonviolence debate anymore.” And, you know, so that that kind of was the closing of that chapter of nonviolence.

Sina Rahmani: But then they had an entire war about slavery. That’s how much nonviolence means to the United States. They had a full scale war across the entirety of their country.

Justin Podur: You know Brown wanted to start that war sooner, right? Brown was like, “we need to get this war going.” And a lot of his abolitionist Christian comrades were like, no, we we can’t have slaves, doing violence. That would be violence, right? And Brown just wasn’t having it. He didn’t win that debate at the debating society. But he did win it.

So the next time we pick up the nonviolence thread in terms of global movements is Gandhi. And Losurdo talks about how Gandhi wants organized medics, medical brigades to fight for the British in World War One. And his whole thing was like, we don’t have to shoot or kill people, but we can show how courageous we are on the battlefield. And by showing that we are real men, we could convince the British to let us free, give us freedom. Losurdo says that it’s more about co-optation than nonviolence than nonviolent resistance. There’s a whole discussion worth having about what the difference is.

So now we’re into modes of resistance. So if we’re talking about resistance we’re talking about trying to fight back. And, you have Gandhi, you have Martin Luther King a little bit later. And these people are talking about fighting back. So how about how about the efficacy of nonviolent resistance?

Zeyad Nabulsy: We can’t really discuss efficacy without talking about context. So global context is one factor. So for example in evaluating the success or failures of Gandhi, the movement for independence in India, you have to look at the global context. You have to look at like the internal balance of power. But people just want to talk abstractly how “nonviolence works”. Maybe under some circumstances it does. Other circumstances, it simply doesn’t. I’ll give you an example where it didn’t: in the 50s, the PAIGC (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde), the party which liberated Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde eventually from Portuguese rule, at first they tried having, peaceful worker strikes and so on. In 1959 [note: the Pijiguiti massacre in Port of Bissau, August 3, 1959] there was this massive massacre, basically the Portuguese just shot the protesters. And after that they turn towards a people’s guerrilla war because it’s clear in this context that the Portuguese will not give up without a struggle. And there is a political economy explanation for that. Because Portugal was so weak as an economic power, it couldn’t have a neocolonial relationship with its African colonies. It’s not like France, not like Britain. So after the Portuguese left they were not the main neocolonial power in either Guinea-Bissau or Cape Verde or even Angola. That’s why I think the history itself is very important beyond just the normative philosophical debates about “is nonviolence good or bad?” They’ve been given an outsized importance.

Sina Rahmani: In 2021, the idea that you can confront some of the most powerful police institutions, instruments of state violence, most advanced in the world are deployed on any population. Modern police is two centuries old. It developed in the colonial setting. The very fact that we can even be at this point where where the tiny, irrelevant class of eggheads and liberals and writers and journalists and all of their hangers on, the tiny class of them, circulate position papers around this abstract topic as if it means anything to anyone. It’s more of a reflection of the poverty of our discourse. Our understanding of politics is so juvenile that we could even entertain this logic, that if you just protest enough, the state will change its mind, because that’s how democracy works. This is not how states work.

Justin Podur: We have Gandhi and Gandhi’s got a really interesting history because he joins the Congress when the Congress is really like a loyal opposition talk shop. So they’re just talking, right? They’re signing petitions, they’re writing letters. It really is a cooptation machine. And Gandhi gets them into so-called organizing, mobilization, mass mobilizations. He involves millions of people. That’s a whole other level above what they were doing. Right? But there is another history of the Independence movement, outside the Congress Party, over the decades that Gandhi was involved. And I have yet to study this properly. I have been trying to find sources. It’s hard to find sources. But there was lots of terrorism. There was lots of bomb throwing. There was lots of violence. I mean I’ve talked about 1857. I’m trying to sort out what was going on prior to Indian independence in the decades before. There was Bhagat Singh, who threw a bomb and was hanged. There were lots of people who were hanged. During World War two, there was the Indian National Army of Subhash Bose, who was trained by the Japanese.It was a sign to the British that he was able to recruit and organize an actual military invasion of India. There was apparently a mutiny in 1946 of sailors in India.

So the writing on the wall in terms of violence was also going on. And there’s also critiques of Gandhi by people like Ambedkar, who was one of the leaders of the untouchables, who was saying… Gandhi would go on a fast to try to coerce untouchables not to seek certain affirmative action type provisions in the law. And Ambedkar had this thing where he was like: that’s great, Gandhi, that’s so great that you’ve chosen this non-coercive method of, non-violent coercion against me and the untouchable community. So what happens if you finish your fast and die of hunger on your hunger strike? Do you think that all of your gentle, kind supporters will not be enacting reprisals against the untouchable community? Because I sure think they will. I sure think this this non coercion threat is actually a massive gun pointed at the head of our community if you die.

On the Martin Luther King front, there’s a book called Negroes with Guns. There’s a book called We Will Shoot Back. There’s another one called This Non-Violent Stuff Will Get You Killed. They talk about how many of these Martin Luther King followers were actually armed and walked around armed because they’re like, are you crazy? Of course I’m armed, you know? But so for them, nonviolence was not a way of life. It was a very specific tactical choice.

Sina Rahmani: We know so little about the outside world that we could go so far and tell things to other people that, oh, this kind of politics is bad. This kind of politics is good. But of course, what we are doing is reacting to the media we consume. Right? Which is itself ridiculous. No, you’re not talking about world politics. You’re talking about the thing you saw on the nightly news broadcast.

Justin Podur: So fraudulent liberals in the US, these non resisters were saying it’s wrong to do violence to try to change slavery. But they’re not counting the lashes, right? Like every lash. You would think that every lash that takes place in the field to get somebody to speed up their cotton harvesting, you would think that would be considered violence, because if someone’s lashing a white person, that sure as hell counts as violence, right? Does daily violence count?

Zeyad Nabulsy: Does it count? I was reading this this book, it’s sort of like an oral history of Nasserism, in Arabic. He talks about these villages in Upper Egypt or southern Egypt where up until like the 50s if you’re like a regular peasant or something, if you’re walking and you see one of the notables of the town, you have to dismount, you bow down. That’s a form of violence!

Justin Podur: Of course it is. What if you don’t do that? What if you are walking along and don’t do that? What will happen to you if you don’t do that?

Zeyad Nabulsy: Imagine you’re a dad with your kids and then you have to grovel in front of this guy, just like on a daily basis. But this violence is rendered invisible.

Justin Podur: Okay, so when you first brought up the idea of doing an episode on nonviolence, I immediately thought of this two part article by Marcie Smith on the non-site dot org (part 1, part 2). And it’s about Gene Sharp. And Gene Sharp is what Marcie Smith describes as a defense intellectual. He worked at Harvard his whole life, starting in the 50s. And there’s a whole ideology, a really well developed ideology from the 1950s on that Gene Sharp takes up. He calls his institute the Albert Einstein Institute. He gets some kind of early endorsement from Einstein, and he takes up these symbols: Gandhi, Martin Luther King, these different nonviolent icons. But he develops a whole system. The ideological system is: the contradiction in the world is between violence and nonviolence. Violence is when you impose your will on someone else, when you do harm, to impose your will on someone else. And out in the world, the people that are doing this the most are states, regardless of their political orientation. Nation states are doing violence to people every day. And the way to combat this violence is by overthrowing these states in a nonviolent way, through non-revolutionary nonviolence.

So under this rubric of revolutionary nonviolence, there’s a whole playbook of 198 tactics to undermine the legitimacy of the regime. You go and you get beaten up before the cameras to show the regime no longer has legitimacy. You involve more and more people because it’s nonviolent. So more people can, in theory, get involved than if it was a violent struggle where it biases it towards men. They do training in, in nonviolent skills. And we’ll get to like the effect on the American movement first next. But one important premise in Gene-Sharpism is: the contradiction is not class, okay? The contradiction is violence and nonviolence. It’s states. It’s dictatorship versus something called authoritarianism.

Sina Rahmani: Stupidest fucking premise in the world. It’s such a liberal view of the world, a bourgeois liberal. Exactly what Marx talks about: this bourgeois reification of the world as located in this private individual, circulating freely as a commodity, as an object of the market, and subject to the rules of some kind of agreement or like whatever social contract with the state.

Justin Podur: And Smith also puts it in a Cold War context where because there’s this danger of nuclear war with the Soviet Union at any point and because there’s McCarthyism, so you can’t be a communist in the US. The result is that to make an assault against these communist regimes, the US is very interested in nonviolent organization and nonviolent movements that are not going to escalate into war, but they’re still trying to overthrow the regimes. They’re trying to take away the ability of communist states to do both good things and bad things, destroy the whole state.

Zeyad Nabulsy: The authoritarian non-authoritarian taxonomy is very interesting because this is such an abstract way of thinking about these things. People don’t think of the US as an authoritarian state. For example a black kid in some like heavily policed inner city area – for you, the US is an authoritarian state. Of course, I’m the cop, you know, like walk by something. He makes you stand there for three hours or something just to humiliate you, maybe physically beats you. So it’s always the question of where in the state is authority being used and the threat of violence is being invoked, and against whose interests and for whose interests.

Justin Podur: Us have concentration camps? Yes. The US have prison camps.

Sina Rahmani: The US has prison camps. Slave labor. But the US isn’t authoritarian because I can tell Trump to fuck off. As if that is the beginning and end point of political subjectivity. And then on top of that, the US is also the source of the world’s most nasty “revolutionaries”. So in the case of all those regime change operations that will probably get to in this conversation, those people are “revolutionaries” and the US supports them. So on the one hand, the US fights its own revolutionaries with the most violent political, legal, juridical police force that’s ever been enacted. Like if you do anything against the state in your court in this country, you are going to jail for decades, and maybe you can get five years off if you rat on all your friends and they will hammer you and they will destroy your family’s finances, your finances, your name. They’re so authoritarian. They go and fish for collaborators and get people to offer things. They conduct political assassinations, like against the Black Panthers. I remember there’s some neocon critic, some general who was critical of the neocons. He died of a heart attack. Gee, I wonder. And then this is the liberal viewpoint that no, I am civilized subject. I’m a subject, a modern subject of a civilized liberal state and enshrined in the legal fictions of all.

Zeyad Nabulsy: The funny point about this liberal approach is it’s almost like there is this idea that there is an interiority that’s not expressed in your actions. So you could have a history of like murdering people for 150 years. But you’re not a murderer. It’s what you are inside that counts. It’s this essence that never expresses itself in action. It’s hidden somewhere.

Sina Rahmani: Sharp was working directly with the American deep State. Yeah. The idea that you can have transformational change in the state apparatuses or plural of them, whatever you want to call them, that, that can take some sort of radical form like, and the symbols that we recognize to this day, like the raised fist and all that stuff, like, I mean, that has its own weird history too, right? Because it was appropriated from the Panthers. There’s probably a deeper story, probably. But like that image, though, the image of radicalism as a performance. It’s a performance.

Understanding that in how many examples could we start at the top of our head? Ukraine? How obvious is it to say what happened in Ukraine? Was this colour revolution that that the US has more or less admitted? I mean, that’s the thing, like with all these fucking deep state operations or whatever, like it’s not even like we’re the tinfoil hat. They admit to this stuff. They’re happy to because of course, the Empire, this is all in pursuit of the Empire. And fundamentally, most Americans either don’t care or approve of their empire’s actions because they implicitly understand. And this is what they realise is one of the few things they actually understand about politics, that the comforts of their lives are built directly upon the exploitation of the global South.

Justin Podur: In Sharp’s ideology, exploitation is not violence. Okay, so capitalism is not violence. All the profit and paying someone peanuts. That’s not violence, right? Campaigning non-violently to lower the minimum wage is not violence.

So everybody heard about the color revolutions. And a lot of I think conspiracy people are like, this is George Soros behind it. But George Soros may be funding these kinds of operations, but the thinking, the playbook is not conspiratorial. It’s called Strategy for a Living Revolution. And it’s a book and it’s translated. Just read it. He tells you what they’re doing.

Sina Rahmani: All of this is to say that the things that we recognized and are represented to us as revolutions fit this mold, and the ones that don’t trouble us and need to be turned back.

Justin Podur: So Hong Kong, the Arab Spring, even the Tiananmen Square movement had Gene Sharp fingerprints on it.

Sina Rahmani: Libya, Ukraine, Egypt, Egypt. Like they were getting that money, too, right? And they came out against Mubarak, their own ally. They were feeding the enemies of their own ally. This training, this cookie cutter training. They had their own satellite phones. It’s a playbook. And there’s literally an author to it. And they published it.

Zeyad Nabulsy: So it’s not even a conspiratorial thing. I just want to go back to Justin’s point about like whether exploitation is violent or not. And I think it’s not even that we have to say that exploitation is violent. But why is exploitation, a thing which might lead to massive violence or presupposes massive violence, not important for somebody like Gene Sharp?

Justin Podur: And it’s like you were saying, the threat of violence is is what underlines the whole thing. You want to find out if you if you live in a non-violent society, try to organize a union at your workplace. And tell your boss. Hey, boss, we’re a union now and we demand a raise. See what happens. So tell your boss we’re now taking over decision making in terms of investments. See what happens to you. See how that works for you, right? Any institution you’re in? It depends on the threat of violence.

Zeyad Nabulsy: And I think the point about action is really important because you could have a society that’s authoritarian, that allows some kind of freedom of expression, but doesn’t allow you to organize freely because that’s really the significant threat.

Sina Rahmani: Scream all you want about it. Nothing will change. If that doesn’t summarize American life, that they can’t even get basic health care. Like the country that crows about human rights all around the world that has a whole class of people, a diverse Benetton ad class of people, professionals who themselves identify as human rights professionals. And they’re a product of a culture that doesn’t even feed its own citizens properly. It’s a failed state, and it’s designed to be a failed state.

Justin Podur: We have gun rights in America. Do Black people have gun rights in America? Did Philando Castile not get shot for having a gun, by a police officer?

Sina Rahmani: It’s all so insulting that as if the violence of everyday life, the class racialized gendered like across these multiple axes of power and privilege and how society values certain lives and disowns others figuratively and literally, the fact that we can’t even articulate them, and instead we have these asinine conversations about other countries and then deem them to be good or bad. And then meanwhile, our state, our own state apparatus are supporting the most violent forces that ever existed, reactionaries that would never succeed by any liberal test. Like all the US academics who promoted the the proxy war on Syria as some kind of liberation, as if they would even be in the same room as some FSA people.

Justin Podur: But listen, George Lakey is the protege of Gene Sharp, that brings nonviolent revolution to America in a big way and through various movements. There’s a great letter in this Marcie Smith article by a guy who left the nonviolence movement. And he became a Marxist, and he explained why he doesn’t buy this Gene Sharpism anymore. So Lakey’s ideology, which gets into the Ruckus Society, which gets into Central America, gets into the Battle of Seattle, the anti-globalization movement. It’s full of nonviolence. So imposing your will on other people is nonviolent is violence. Hierarchy is violence. So you construct your movement out of affinity groups, and decision making is done by consensus. There’s no hierarchy, there’s no leadership, there’s diversity of tactics. And they do these trainings, nonviolence trainings. It’s always nonviolence training and skills. And they’re everywhere. And then there’s an academic component, there’s academics who wrote this quantitative study called Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolence. So they classified all these movements, hundreds of movements across the world, and they rated them as a “1” if they succeeded. If they didn’t succeed, they got a “0”. And it turns out that you’re twice as likely to succeed if you’re nonviolent than if you are violent! These are the numbers. The numbers don’t lie. So he brings it home.

There was a debate that I watched just before during the anti-globalization movement between Ward Churchill and George Lakey – violence, nonviolence. And unfortunately, Churchill said some of the stuff we’re saying here. Lakey said if you have a violent strategy, I’d like to hear it. And he laid out his nonviolent strategy for revolution. So it was kind of like a vacuum thing, right?

Because anti-communism clears out anything that smacks of Leninism. Build a party, build unions. Organize the people, arm the people, take over, make change. That’s what the different communist parties do. So that’s not allowed. You can’t even talk about that because of McCarthyism. So now there’s this vacuum. And then here comes Sharp and Lakey with revolutionary nonviolence, affinity groups, freedom, overthrow the state, attack its legitimacy, overthrow it and keep overthrowing it until something good happens. Right?

Zeyad Nabulsy: A game of chance, until you get a good hand.

Justin Podur: But ultimately, here’s the thing. Because I read Why Civil Resistance Works. And I looked at the data, they published their, their data set, and I tried to do some analysis of their data. And it’s interesting how you code it, right? How you code it, because I think the First Intifada in Palestine was coded as a success.

Sina Rahmani: What are they fucking talking about? American academics are so stupid.

Justin Podur: Where I’m going is this: I think that the Palestinians are the ultimate target of this whole thing.

Sina Rahmani: The US is the ultimate target.

Justin Podur: No, I don’t think so. I think the whole thing is leading to, why can’t Palestinians be nonviolent? And if you think about it, Finkelstein wrote a book about this too. Finkelstein wrote a book called What Gandhi Says.

Sina Rahmani Shut up.

Justin Podur: He read thousands of pages of Gandhi’s writings, he wrote a book about what Gandhi actually says. So he creates these tables about what Gandhi says. And he was like, I studied Gandhi because I wanted to know about the efficacy of nonviolence for the Palestinian movement. And during the brief war on Gaza in 2021, Finkelstein was in an interview, I think, on The Katie Halper Show. And he was like, I’m really sad about this because I think it’s going to discredit nonviolence.

Zeyad Nabulsy: I just pulled it up on my phone because I wanted to get the dates. Right. So if you look at the nonviolent marches in Gaza, right? March 2018. Palestinians were being shot down, and what were these nonviolence people doing?

Sina Rahmani: Collecting checks as professionals of nonviolence.

Zeyad Nabulsy: At the performative level, they remember that nonviolence is actually important to them when Palestinians fire back, when they do violence. But otherwise they have this amnesia. They’re like, oh, I don’t know, violence, non-violence. I have no idea. Honestly, it’s not even a serious project.

Justin Podur: That’s exactly what what Finkelstein said. He said, look, people, you know, Hamas people have said, we tried nonviolence in 2018. And I just think it’s a shame because now they’re going to think that violence…

Zeyad Nabulsy: …and they would be right to think that. Any rational human being faced with these circumstances would arrive at that conclusion. It’s not some crazy, fanatical thing. It’s like, okay, we tried this.

Sina Rahmani: It’s an irrelevant thing for us to even think about. The location of our critique in this conversation is always extraterritorial. his is what it’s like from outside, based in the most violent society ever to have existed, that sits atop a mountain of indigenous people’s skulls and bones.Every day that we’re digging up their children that we eradicated in schools. And then we have the audacity to sell this. The fundamental, profound, blood stained legacy of the supposed European enlightenment, as if it is ever something that could ever be even discussed, as nonviolent, as if the French Revolution was some nonviolent thing. Are you kidding me? The guillotine memes that still circulate. Politics is violence, and revolutionary violence is part of any political struggle. If it was a real struggle to overturn something important enough that somebody would fight back. If something was so easy to throw over, you could just bring out a bunch of corny ass placards and perform for the camera so you can get 30 seconds of airtime in the Buffalo fucking NBC affiliate. That’s this is about how we consume the world.

Zeyad Nabulsy: If you look at historically when Israel has made concessions, it’s always sort of in the aftermath of a war when you inflicted material damage on them or you made them think, okay, actually, we could get screwed over here. That’s it. There is no other path to success with Israel.

Justin Podur: Revolutionary nonviolence does not say we move their conscience. They attacked the regime’s legitimacy.

Sina Rahmani: Legitimacy to what audience?

Justin Podur: Orwell talks about why Gandhi worked on the British because the British have a free press. And Gandhi wouldn’t have worked on the Nazis because they were more authoritarian.

Sina Rahmani: Blah blah.

Justin Podur: So I’ve gone to nonviolence trainings. You know, when I was in the protests in Quebec City in 2000 and April 2001. April. So before September 2001. There were nonviolence trainings by people who came up from the US like trained types. The international solidarity movement that was doing nonviolence in solidarity with Palestinians. I did that in 2002. And occupy was nonviolence, too, in 2010. I was already kind of aged out. I didn’t do very much with occupy in 2010. But I did go, I visited occupy a few times. They did all those nonviolence things, the consensus process. It’s criticized by Marcie Smith in her article too. The insistence on consensus actually makes it very difficult to get anything done. It gives everybody a veto, including people who want to sabotage your your thing. And so there’s all kinds of underhanded things, I suppose, that people do to make sure that, you know, they don’t get consensus blocked. But if you’re not sophisticated enough to do that…

Zeyad Nabulsy: Can we say something like briefly about the global effects of that? Because I think one of the global effects is it’s basically hollowed out all of these historically radical parties and various parts in the global South and turned them into activists who go attend workshops. You see that in every like Communist party, in every country in the world, now I’m working for this NGO. So it has this very pernicious effect globally.

Sina Rahmani: They manufacture a class of people who have an inordinate amount of discursive power to set a kind of media agenda.

Zeyad Nabulsy: Yeah, it’s like a managerial class for politics, basically political activism. Instead of, you know, you work in a bank or something, you’re some human rights activist.

Justin Podur: You’re an organizer.

Sina Rahmani: Never trust anyone who has human rights in their professional biography.

Zeyad Nabulsy: I think that sage advice.

Sina Rahmani: Is that a good way to end this episode?

Guest post: Driving Canadian Democracy to Oblivion: The Ideological State of the Canadian Establishment

A short letter to the editor from Anna Zalik

[Friends: You can catch up with what I’ve been doing for the past few weeks at Youtube, where I’ve been posting a series of sit reps on the war. Meanwhile, friend of the Anti-Empire Project, Anna Zalik, sent me this letter to the editor that the Globe and Mail declined, after publishing a long and embarrassing op-ed consisting of advice for the left, which is behind a paywall and only available to hardcore Globe and Mail readers. The op-ed is of what I call the “left’s best friend” genre, in which someone who despises you and your cause gives you advice about how you should be going about your work.]

Driving Canadian Democracy to Oblivion: The Ideological State of the Canadian Establishment

Anna Zalik, Toronto

In a poorly written OpEd published in the Globe and Mail on January 27th, embittered UofT humanities PhD Stephen Marche offers a “painfully clarifying reflection on the ideological state of the Canadian establishment.” In a conflation of facts, weakly organized examples, and cherry-picked polling data, Marche tries and convicts a group of people – various employed by universities- who allegedly postered an Indigo bookstore in downtown Toronto. Studiously avoiding reference to Israel’s genocidal attacks on Palestinians which the Canadian government and Reisman’s Heseg Foundation materially support, nor the destruction of all of Gaza’s universities, Marche’s piece could easily have been written by those in the Ontario government seeking to defund public post-secondary education. Precisely what ‘ideology’ Marche refers to is never clarified, but it is clear that his own is the same old elite populism that maintains the status quo – berating racialized and transgender activists, and defending police violence.

Particularly disturbing, Marche shields himself behind a non-sensical invocation of liberal multiculturalism that “leaves its shoes at the door”. Leaving one’s shoes at the door seems to consist of acquiescence to the new McCarthyism all around us. Indeed, despite a hat-tip to Netanyahu’s fascism, Marche’s piece never uses the words Palestine or Palestinians, nor does he acknowledge that various of his favoured targets, including Naomi Klein and Lesley Wood, are Jewish. If it’s best not to scratch the itch activists purportedly pose, why does Marche do so?

Ultimately, Marche does his part to drive Canadian democracy to oblivion.

The Land Back Party

If we’ll need one in twenty years, maybe we should start sooner than later

Canada’s political leaders are morally compromised. Months of genocidal bombing, 30,000 killed (15,000 children), 50,000 injured, the destruction of nearly every home, agricultural field, hospital, and school, the murder of journalists and medical personnel, field executions including children are before the International Court of Justice, where South Africa is seeking urgent preventive measures. 

How has Canada responded? Most political activity on the matter still consists of each party trying to score points against the others by showing more unconditional support for Israel. South Africa’s case has been dismissed by media figures and ignored at the official level. Canadian media figures have screamed for the deportation of anti-genocide protesters, Ontario’s NDP has kicked out a lone voice (MPP Sarah Jama, now Independent) calling for a ceasefire, Toronto’s school board has agreements with an institution, CIJA, that openly lied about and targeted student protesters at a high school, anti-genocide doctors have been suspended from work. The rot is deep. 

While did Canada anomalously vote at the UN General Assembly for a toothless ceasefire resolution, it followed up by joining a small pro-Israel minority asserting Israel’s colonial control over the West Bank. 

Canada’s elite is totally morally compromised on the most basic moral issue of all: genocide. 

In a context where the majority is pro-peace, if not necessarily pro-Palestine, this is a major disconnect between elite and population and, according to plural political theory, should provide a political opportunity for a party that is uncompromised. 

It is necessary to understand why it does not provide such an opportunity in the current context. Why can’t any political party turn this moment of moral collapse to political advantage, by occupying the anti-genocide space? 

There are two possible answers: 1. the strength of the pro-Israel lobby, or 2. what is called “settler solidarity”: the deep identification of the elite with Israel’s colonial project and the understanding that it would be hypocritical on some level to be a member of Canada’s political elite while espousing Indigenous rights in Palestine. 

There is a strong pro-Israel lobby in Canada that is capable of punishing pro-Israel statement or action, especially by elites. The lobby is well-organized and can send floods of emails to institutions and mount social media campaigns to try to get people removed from elite posts. But the success of the lobby is precisely what needs to be explained, as an equivalent pro-Palestine lobby, equally well-organized, has not been found to have the same success. The success of the pro-Israel lobby is explained by “settler solidarity”. Canada’s elite identifies with Israel and with Israel’s project. 

The only way for a party to fully occupy the political vacuum that is the anti-genocide political space in Canada would be for that party to be a party for the return of land to Indigenous Sovereignty. The empty political space in Canada can only be filled, in other words, by a Land Back Party. Canada’s elite cannot support Palestinian freedom because of its structural opposition to First Nations sovereignty; the movement inside Canada for Palestinian freedom has long understood the necessity for First Nations sovereignty. 

Indigenous movements in Canada are currently experiencing what has been called a “resurgence”. The Land Back Party would support this unstoppable resurgence and work in constant coordination with it. 

The Land Back Party’s program would be ambitious as it would have to achieve several difficult, perhaps unprecedented, and seemingly (though not actually) contradictory objectives: 

  1. Improve the living standards of everyone living in Canada, including health care, education, water, food, environment, and all other welfare measures

    1. Without exploitation of the labor and resources of the Global South (ie., while achieving fair trade arrangements with Global South providers of resources); 

  2. While also transferring land and wealth from Canada to First Nations, expanding their land base and rights; 

  3. While also defending the land back project from the inevitable attempt to overthrow it. 

While difficult, each of these objectives can be done. 

Living Standards for all. The most succinct economic program for a left party upon reaching power was articulated by Utsa and Prabhat Patnaik with India in mind. In their book Capital and Imperialism, they imagine such a party introducing a set of 

“universal, justifiable economic rights on par with the political rights typically enshrined in a democratic constitution. A minimal set of five such rights, namely the right to employment (or of wage payment if the state fails to provide employment); the right to food at affordable prices; the right to free, quality, public healthcare; the right to free, quality public education up to at least the university level; and the right to old-age pension and disability assistance of an adequate magnitude can be immediately implemented. And for this no more than an additional 10 percent or so of GDP will be required.”

Upon arrival in power, the government would immediately face capital flight and would have to incrementally introduce capital controls. Once those were introduced, trade controls would have to follow especially since, for Canada, a major portion of international trade is mining and military industry (both of which destroy Indigenous land within Canada’s borders and outside them). Were these controls to be introduced, big business in both Canada and the US would likely conduct an “investment strike” and try to shut down industry as part of a campaign of regime change. At that stage, a left government would also have to incrementally introduce nationalization of industries, turning them over to be run by their workers, and economic planning measures (for a Global North example, see the “window guidance” adopted in Japan prior to the Plaza Accord – described in the book and film The Princes of the Yen). 

In The Wealth of Some Nations, Zak Cope describes the mechanisms by which trillions of dollars of value are transferred from the Global South to the Global North each year. The challenge for a left party in an imperialist country is improving living standards for all while moving towards a fair trade arrangement in the global economy. Moving Canada from a global exploiter to a country that is neither exploited nor exploiter. An analysis of the mechanisms through which neocolonial exploitation occurs can help understand how to unravel it without plunging the masses who live in Canada into misery. These mechanisms include especially the artificial lowering of prices of commodities and of labor from the Global South and the inflation of prices of services and labor from the Global North. The details of how to engage in fair trade in the global economy can be worked out if it is a priority. 

Transfer of land and wealth to First Nations. In the book Unsettling Canada, Arthur Manuel and Ronald Derrickson show that Indigenous peoples control 0.2 percent of the land and settlers, 99.8%. The history of Canada is one of successive bad-faith attempts to “settle” these land claims – meaning, to extinguish them without changing the distribution of land. Rather than striking a committee or writing a new White Paper, the Land Back Party would come to power with a careful study of the history of land theft in Canada using maps like the set of maps at mappinglandtheft.ca, it would immediately stop fighting losing cases to prevent Indigenous people from getting their rights and lands, and begin immediately expanding the Indigenous landbase. Ultimately, it would learn about and adopt Indigenous ways of relating to the land – not the theft of Indigenous knowledge that characterizes the current colonial relation, but a transformation of the way society relates to the land in accordance with Indigenous principles. 

Surviving all the overthrow attempts. As the landbase was expanded, strategies for holding the land against violent encroachment by aggrieved settlers and regime change campaigners would also be implemented. A Land Back Party would, on the road to power, have to win enough support to be able to resist even an armed coup attempt or an attempt to roll back gains that were made by First Nations. Returning the land to First Nations is, for its opponents, a most violence-inducing idea. A Land Back Party cannot afford to be naive about this, but with popular support, sovereignty can be defended. 

The weakness of communist parties in Five Eyes countries has been a lack of understanding of countries like Canada as “prisons of nations” as Sakai described the US (following the Bolsheviks’ criticism of the Russian tsarist Empire). As organizations that work in colonial settler states that need to be transformed, left parties need to work for this transformation: not simply for a just distribution of the stolen spoils. 

Other Land Back Party priorities would serve to permanently differentiate the party from unprincipled parties and serve as a bulwark against co-optation – the other early danger for such a party. These would include: 

  1. Freedom for Palestine, an end to the occupation, a Palestinian state with equal rights for all. Humanitarian and infrastructural aid to rebuild Palestine and no relations with Israel while occupation, apartheid and genocide continue. To those who ask, why is a foreign policy issue so important for this party? All other parties are pro-Israel and Palestine is evidently an issue of immense importance to Canada. Someone has to be the first anti-genocide party in North America.  The party’s constitution will require support for Palestine.

  2. Cancelling all governmental partnerships, guarantees, and subsidies for mining and military industries and co-operation with Five Eyes intelligence and US covert and overt military programs. Defense concepts will instead include partnerships with First Nations for defense of sovereign Indigenous land, solidarity and coordination with struggles of oppressed people inside the US, and communal and civil defense against coups and fascist violence. 

  3. Expansion of welfare state, health care, education including in Indigenous languages, water infrastructure to Indigenous communities. Transition to restorative justice based on First Nations models. Community control over police (see, e.g., The Black Agenda Report proposal). Food sovereignty and state support for agriculture. Economic planning. Unapologetic use of policy tools including taxation, nationalization, capital controls.

The initial activities of this organization will include:

  1. Media work – social media and a media infrastructure that belongs to the party so that the party does not require social media to get its message out. Media work will be a high percentage of the work of the organization and will support all other work.

    1. Media education and training – the idea of an introductory course for organization members that would be useful anyway – that would develop theoretical knowledge, writing skills, and other media skills so that the work required to join the party is rewarding in itself. 

  2. Movement defense. The party would work with lawyers but the organization will also defend anyone suffering repression for their Palestine- or Indigenous sovereignty- related work through public campaigns. This kind of movement defense casework will help the day to day building of the organization. 

  3. Support for organized labor in strike actions, political use of the general strike to exert pressure for policy change (ie., a ceasefire at this moment), again primarily through media and public work. 

  4. Work with school boards, media organizations etc., to get anti-Palestinian racism widely used as a concept. Longer term work would include education on the practicality of the immediate expansion of the First Nations land base. 

There are also lessons from other parties – small, left-wing parties and mainstream parties – that the Land Back Party would learn from. These include having robust self correcting mechanisms within the party and organizational structures. The party charter would include democracy, transparency, equality, gender equity, diversity, anti sexual harassment policies, accountability mechanisms for all levels of the organization. Application to the organization would be open to all, but it would require completion of an educational program. The organization would be built with the expectation that it would grow and it would have committees and transparent procedures for handling everything from the aforementioned sexual harassment allegations to funds, budgets, and media infrastructure.  

When the time is right, the party would fill out the forms, raise funds, find and prepare candidates, and run for office in elections at provincial and federal levels since it is only through state power that these economic, foreign policy, and land back agendas can be fulfilled. This, too, will require a careful analysis of what opportunities exist within the electoral system in Canada and the legal constraints on how political parties operate, with a view to preventing the Land Back Party from replicating the co-optation or (assisted) self-destruction of previous, similar efforts. 

Such a party would have many difficulties getting started (all the problems left-wing people have in organizing at a small scale), greater difficulties achieving power (as repression would increase dramatically), and still greater difficulties governing (in the face of capital flight, coup attempts, and threats of invasion by the US). But all of these could be overcome in time and it would be better to start now than to look around as un-organized activists in twenty years of further rightward drift and wish we had done something like this now. 

Zionists despise both religious and secular Jewish traditions

Part 8 of 8 on Zionism as an anti-Jewish, racist ideology

Until Western scientific racism became dominant in the 19th century, Jewish was a religion – what else could it have been? It was race science and race-science based, organized anti-Semitic organizations that racialized Jewish people. Though a debate continues about whether or not the Jewish identity ultimately must rest on a religious foundation, non-religious Jews are accepted and claimed widely as Jews in their own communities. Zionists are hostile to both religious and secular Jews.

Zionists are openly hostile to those religious Jews who understand and identify with Judaism through religion. Yakov Rabkin in A Threat From Within: A History of Jewish Opposition to Zionism (pg. 46-48) quotes historian Noah Efron: “Nowhere are Haredi Jews as feared and hated as in Israel. Israel is a bastion of a classic sort of anti-Semitism, aimed not against all Jews, but against the ultra-Orthodox, the overly Jewy Jews.” Quoting Efron at length, Rabkin argues that “Zionism’s promoters have simply refined the hateful image of the traditional Jew as painted by Voltaire and Fichte” 

“One need not search hard to find denigrating images of the Altjtude traditional Jew] in Zionist rhetoric and pamphletry. Herzl had al­ready noted in 1894 that Jews had “taken on a number of antisocial characteristics” in the ghettos of Europe, and that Jewish character was “damaged.” [The poet David] Frishman [1859-1922, of Russian origin] opined that “[traditional] Jewish life is a dog’s life that evokes disgust.” [Another Russian poet,] Joseph Haim Brenner, [1881-1921] likened Jews to “filthy dogs, inhuman, wounded dogs.” [Yehuda Leib] Gordon [1831-1892, an active opponent of Judaism, also of Russian origin] wrote that European Jews were parasites. [Micha Joseph] Berdyczewski [1865-1921, a poet and a philosopher bom in the Russian Empire] christened traditional Jews “spiritual slaves, men whose natural forces had dried up and whose relation to the world was no longer normal,” and elsewhere, “a non-people, a non-nation — non-men, indeed. (Efron 1991,88-89)”

Rabkin (pg. 49) quotes the well-known critic of Zionism, Yeshayahu Leibowitz, who argued that Zionists were “seeking a national identity that exists only in and for itself, for they no longer have any concrete, empirically observable ties with Judaism.”

Leibowitz feared that national identity would “be transformed into statism and will to power; into a national identity in the Mussolinian sense.

Rabkin believes that Leibowitz’s analysis reveals “seeking a national identity that exists only in and for itself, for they no longer have any concrete, empirically observable ties with Judaism… the national consciousness of the Jews had only Judaism as a shared basis, and the state’s founders openly opposed it.”

But Leibowitz, opposing this, tried to remind his readers that “The state exists to serve men; men do not exist for their state.” 

Rabkin quotes the Chief Rabbi of Britain, Jonathan Sacks, who criticized the disunity of the Jewish community: “we have fissured and fractured into different edot [congregations]: Orthodox and reform, religious and secular, and the many subdivisions that continue to atomize Jewish life into non-communicating sects and subcultures.”

Among all this, Rabkin reflects, it is Israel alone that provides the sense of belonging: 

“For three decades, Zionist organizations have been inculcating belief in the centrality of Israel in most non-Haredi Jewish schools of the Diaspora. This vicarious “Israelism” replaces the traditional Jewish identity all the more easily because the new identity makes far fewer demands. Since Jewish identity is based on obedience to the Torah and to the commandments that it articulates, it affects both the most intimate of precincts (such as food and sex) and public behavior (such as the non-use of automobiles on the Sab­bath or dressing modestly). Contrariwise, Israelism imposes no particular obligation, while at the same time transmitting a feeling of belonging. “I identify with Israel because it is the last refuge of the secular Jew,” a friend confided to me one day. While interested in Judaism he denies it any nor­ mative significance. “Without Israel I would be obliged either to observe the Torah commandments or to stop being a Jew.” When I passed on his remark to Rabbi Moshe Dov (Baer) Beck, perhaps the most prolific of the anti-Zionist thinkers, he replied, to my astonishment: “What’s wrong with being a non-Jew?” In other words, why would those who do not observe the Torah insist on remaining Jewish? A secular Jewish identity is obviously nonsensical for Rabbi Beck.”

In the religious view, being a Jew means no more or less than being a follower of the religion and fulfilling obligations of faith and conduct to that religion. If you don’t want to follow the religious rules, the Rabbi asks, “What’s wrong with being a non-Jew?” But to Nazis steeped in scientific racism, adherence to the religion or not is irrelevant – to Nazis, Jews are a racial group. Zionists also adopt a racial view of who is Jewish, and not a religious one.

The Zionist founders of Israel believed in colonial conquest and the nation’s will to power. Rabkin (pg. 56): 

“According to the Israeli intellectual Boaz Evron, “Zionism is indeed the negation of Judaism” (Leibowitz, 133)… “Ben-Gurion saw Judaism as the historical misfortune of the Jewish people and an obstacle to its transformation into a normal nation” (Leibowitz, 144).”

Criticizing Hindu right-wing nationalism in the 2008 book 1857: War of Civilisations, Indian author Amaresh Mishra pointed out that all fascists are atheists, since they ultimately believe in earthly power and will. Religion is another tool to be used in the quest for power, whether to Zionists or the Indian ideologists of Hindutva like Golwalkar and Savarkar. 

Holders of these ideologies are not capable of sincere religious belief. 

In New York-based Rabbi Yaakov Shapiro’s 1382-page book The Empty Wagon: Zionism’s Journey from Identity Crisis to Identity Theft (2018), the author argues that early Zionists needed to “neutralize the Torah”, for “if the Torah would continue to be perceived as the defining principle of Jewish identity, Zionism would never get off the ground… The Zionists realized they would be unable to successfully deny the centrality of religion in the Jewish consciousness. Instead, they decided to enslave it and channel it for their own cynical agenda.” He quotes Ben Gurion: “I will never agree to the separation of religion from the State, because I want the state to hold religion in the palm of its hand.” In the Zionist integration of religion and state, it is religion that is subordinated. To religious authorities like Shapiro, this is blasphemy. 

“I will never agree to the separation of religion from the State, because I want the state to hold religion in the palm of its hand.” – Ben Gurion

Can the army teach you how to be Jewish?

Shapiro describes the specific role of the Israeli military in undermining Jewish religion and subordinating it to political goals of Zionism. Reviewing the IDF officers’ training course, Shapiro finds lectures on:

  1. What is Judaism?

  2. The uniqueness of the Jewish people

  3. The people and the land in a Jewish perspective

  4. War and the army in a Jewish perspective

  5. Is Judaism a religion, a way of life, or a constitution?

  6. The identity of the Jewish people

“Suffice it to say,” Shapiro continues, “the IDF version of Judaism and Jewishness is not the same as the Torah’s… while the information disseminated is certainly destructive from the Torah perspective, the problem here is not just the content, but also the fact that these topics are being taught by a national army at all. The reality is that the IDF is the army of Israel, not the army of the Jewish people. But consistent with Zionism, the Israeli army is not portrayed as just the army of Israel, but of all the Jews.”  

Zionist abuses of religious Jews from Yemen

Zionist abuses of religious Jews from Yemen are recorded by Yakov Rabkin in A Threat from Within (pg. 43). “The Yemeni Jews, well known for their devotion to the Torah and for their Judaic erudition, were subjected upon their arrival in Israel in the late 1940s to secular re-education campaigns, often in isolated camps. This measure was aimed primarily at the young, who, while not actually kid­napped, were nonetheless forced to endure ideological pressures designed to estrange them from tradition. Many sources concur: physical violence was employed, particularly when the young secular camp commanders forbade access to young religious Jews who wished to assist the internees.”

Rabkin quotes one Israeli parliamentarian saying in the Knesset:

“I cannot employ any other terms to describe the situation in these camps than those of spiritual constraint and inquisition against the Jewish religion. I see nothing in what is being done in these camps but the cultural and religious murder of the tribes of Israel.”

Rabkin continues: “Their Zionist educators apparently forced the young Yemeni Jews to harvest oranges on the Sabbath, to walk about bareheaded and to cut off the side-curls the Yemeni Jews had worn for centuries.” He quotes one Yemeni Jew describing this: “here, they treat us with contempt, and force our people to profane the Sabbath. They mock us; laugh at our traditional beliefs, our prayers and the religious observances of our Holy Torah.” In addition to religious abuse, these Yemeni Jews were also tested for “negro blood”, according to a June 16, 2017 report by the Times of Israel. The report was based on investigations for the “Knesset Special Committee on the Disappearance of Children from Yemen, the East and the Balkans”. 

Jewish babies in Israel were taken from their parents who were lied to about it in the “Yemenite Babies Affair”

The kidnapping of thousands of Yemeni Jewish babies for forced re-education is now known as “The Yemenite Babies Affair”. Rabkin: “ The government apparently assured the parents that their children had died. It was not until many years later, when some of the parents received military call-up notices for their children, that they began to smell a rat.” 

But the religion can’t be discarded; so it must be subordinated

For all of Zionists’ hatred of the Jewish religion, they are unable to discard it and adopt a purely “racial” definition of Jews, since no “race science” can produce a coherent “race” of any kind, let alone a “Jewish race”. Those Zionists who adhere most strongly to a “racial” definition of Jews are also the most inclined to discriminate against Jews of Arab, Asian, or African ancestry. In a video interview, Rabbi Yaakov Shapiro pointed out this contradiction in Israel’s Law of Return: while an atheist of Jewish origin could become an Israeli based on the Law of Return, a person of Jewish origin who converted to, e.g., Christianity, could not. Zionism is about subjugating religious Jews and using the religion as a cover, not sincere adherence to faith. 

Zionism’s secular enemy: the Jewish left

Jewish culture goes beyond religion only, and there are non-religious participants in Jewish life. Zionism is inimical to these as well. 

Describing her background in a 2021 video on her “journey away from Zionism”, Jewish-American activist Maya Edery said she had been “accidentally a Zionist” because she “didn’t know there was another way to be Jewish,” but her upbringing and understanding of “Judaism as a form of practicing social justice” made it impossible to reconcile her understanding of Judaism with the oppression of the Palestinians. 

The late David Graeber described left-wing Jewish traditions in a video coming to the defence of Jeremy Corbyn against false accusations of anti-Semitism. Graeber argued that it was preposterous to argue that the left was anti-Semitic partly because “to some degree what we now think of as the left is a product of Jewish thought and the Jewish tradition.” 

The right-wing in Europe is obsessed with the historical connections between Jewish culture and left-wing emancipatory politics. Right-wing ideologies, including Nazism and Fascism, arose as both anti-Left and anti-Jewish ideologies and remain so to this day. The list of Jewish left-wing historical figures hated by the right-wing (and revered by the left to this day – Marx, Luxembourg, Trotsky, Goldman, Chomsky…) is very long indeed.

Herzl, Jabotinsky, Weizmann, and other Zionist leaders offered a solution to the “Jewish problem” to anti-socialist, anti-Jewish racists. They accepted the right-wing premises that Jews are a degenerate, impure “race,” and that one of their flaws is apparently socialist agitation. Zionists interpret the participation of Jews in socialist struggles as a “racial flaw” to be remedied by their removal from Europe. 

In 1948, the Jewish Labor Bund – a socialist labor organization that developed in parallel and in opposition to Zionism with a left-wing philosophy, argued in a pamphlet that while Jews could of course live in Palestine, that “the fight against anti-Semitism, for full equality, and for the full national and cultural development of the Jewish people must be waged – as it has been until now – side by side with the democratic and Socialist elements of the non-Jewish population in those countries.”

An emergency bulletin of the Bund, when the Jewish left tried to stop Israel from inflicting the then-beginning Nakba on Palestinians

In a section of the same pamphlet titled “We Will Not be Bullied”, the pamphleteers described how “The entire Jewish press, dailies, weeklies, and scores of other publications, united in taking the Bund to task as a traitor to the Jewish cause. All shades of Jewish public opinion united in mobilizing the Jewish communities against us – simply because we dare criticize the wisdom of the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine… Be this as it may, we wish to assure our political antagonists that we shall not allow them to terrorize us into silence.” 

Zionists treat the Jewish left, whether in Palestine or in the Diaspora, as an enemy. 

Zionists try to redefine Jewish identity

If neither religious worship nor secular left tradition are allowed by Zionists, what is left of Jewish identity after Zionism is done with it?

Rabkin (A Threat From Within, pg. 38) quotes Rabbi Blau, who believed that “Zionism had inflicted worse harm upon the Jews than upon the Arabs. The Arabs may have lost their land and their homes, but the Jews, by accepting Zionism, had lost their historical identity (Blau, A., 2-3).”

In a 2020 +972 mag article, journalist Etan Nechin explored the consequences of Israel’s Nation State Law, through which, Nechin argued, “Israel’s religious right is deciding who is a Jew.” Nechin cites the 1947 “status quo” letter from Ben Gurion to Orthodox Jewish leaders, which produced a lasting arrangement whereby “secular society would operate with limitations in areas such as transportation on the Sabbath, laws around marriage and death, and others. In return, religious communities would turn a blind eye to certain deviations from the rabbinate, Israel’s highest Jewish religious authority, such as the immigration of hundreds of thousands of Jews from the former Soviet Union who have not been recognized as Jewish by the rabbinate.”

The resulting definition of Jewish, Nechin argues, is a purely negative one: 

“Passed by the most right-wing, nationalist-religious government in the country’s history, the law exposes the hypocrisy of the religious right in Israel: the only definition it can propose of being Jewish is “not an Arab.” Judaism is not defined as a vibrant religion with manifestations all around the world, but a state identity that guarantees superiority over people of different faiths under its rule, as well as over Jews living outside Israel. In other words, in Israel, Judaism is a synonym for power.

In the 2013 book The Tragedy of a Generation: The Rise and Fall of Jewish Nationalism in Eastern Europe, Yeshiva University scholar Joshua Karlip traces movements for two roads not taken by Jewish Nationalists, roads that were ultimately folded into Zionism: Yiddishism and for Diaspora Nationalism. Karlip analyzes these roads through a study of three leading Russian-Jewish nationalist intellectuals – Elias Tcherikower, Yisroel Efroikin, and Zelig Kalmanovitch.

All of these leaders ultimately opted for Zionism because they feared assimilation above all, and felt especially strongly that the Soviet Union and socialism were guaranteed to end with assimilation. Their own anti-communism led them to a rejection of the Jewish left; their secularism meant they couldn’t accept a religious basis for their identity.

As one of these three intellectuals, Tcherikower, moved towards Zionism, he argued that Soviet Jewry was in the process of ‘“death by the kiss” of assimilation.’ Despite official support in the Soviet Union for Yiddish culture, Tcherikower came to see it as a dead end: “Why specifically Yiddish? If there is no national, historical or, dare we say, religious feeling of connection with the collective then why be a Jew in a country where you can freely partake of the general rich culture? Why send the children to a Yiddish school when the general ones prepare them much better for practical life?”

Another one of the trio, Kalmanovitch, concluded that Yiddish was “bankrupt. What kind of a movement can it be whose program is to read a Yiddish book and to go to the Yiddish theater once in a while?” Wherever they lived, Jewish people would “need to buy bread and repair their shoes and work; they need to do it in the language of the country in which they live… the only solution is for Jews to have their own country, where they can live a normal life.”

Describing the views of these three intellectuals on Nazism in the 1930s (before the Nazi genocide): “Tcherikower, Efroikin, and Kalmanovitch all viewed Nazism as a potential catalyst for the reconstitution of Jewish communal consciousness.” Karlip quotes one of these at length, stating that “Tcherikower even recognized a positive side to the rise of Nazism:” 

“And who knows, perhaps the Jewries in the Fascist and half-Fascist lands would have been devoured internally if not for Jewish historical providence, which imparted to the contemporary Hamans the idea to build the anti-Semitic movement on principles not of religion but rather of race. And from this standpoint, it is perhaps true that “the Holy One Blessed Be He made a blessing for Israel” that this illogical [racial] theory has rendered apostasy purposeless. What would become of these Jews, if they would be able to save their lives and property through conversion?”

In this Jewish nationalist perspective, defining Jews racially instead of religiously had the benefit of providing a bulwark against assimilation. 

The experience of the Anglo-American settler colonies (US, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) shows that a settler colonial state is no foundation on which to build a culture: such a state creates an identity based on theft and cultural appropriation.

Tcherikower mocked Yiddish culture, but whatever is not European in Israeli settler culture – from language to place names and food – is based on appropriation from Indigenous Palestinian culture. Having trampled on Jewish religious and secular traditions, Zionists have arrived at an empty, negative definition of Jewish identity as Nechin noted, someone who is “not an Arab”, while defining everyone who opposes them as an “anti-Semite”. 

In this way, centuries of lively Jewish culture and tradition are effaced and replaced with this ideological dead end.

[This concludes the series. There will be an epilogue on the Hannibal Doctrine and how it, too, is anti-Jewish in effect.]

Zionists resort to horrible anti-Jewish stereotypes and imagery at the drop of a hat

Part 7 on Zionism as an anti-Jewish ideology

This one is less a flowing argument and more of a short, extremely non-comprehensive litany of horrid anti-Jewish abuse from Zionists.

If it was upsetting that the Jerusalem Post would declare those Jews deemed anti-Israel to be “herem”, wait until you see the anti-Jewish stereotypes and imagery that Zionists go-to as a first resort when justifying an Israeli attack on Gaza. 

(1)

On Henry Kissinger’s 100th birthday, the Jewish Daily Forward published the remarks of a man whose diplomatic efforts did more for Israel than many other US officials. Kissinger is reported to have said: “If it were not for the accident of my birth, I would be antisemitic… Any people who has been persecuted for two thousand years must be doing something wrong.”

“If it were not for the accident of my birth, I would be antisemitic… Any people who has been persecuted for two thousand years must be doing something wrong.” — Henry Kissinger

The Zionist worship of power, and contempt for Jewish people based on a stereotype of their weakness, is apparent in Kissinger’s remark. 

(2)

Cartoonist Eli Valley reported some comments by twitter owner Elon Musk who, after visiting PM Netanyahu in Israel said that “massive demonstrations for Hamas in every major city in the West” were ‘funded by naive Jewish philanthropists who support movements seeking their own annihilation.’ Valley called this a “basic tenet of Zionist antisemitism.”

(3)

Elsewhere, a group of Orthodox Jews holding a Palestinian flag on a sidewalk were approached by an elderly Zionist who told them “Hitler made one big mistake. You should have all been put in gas chambers.” 

(4)

As they prepared for the ground invasion of Gaza in late October 2023, the Israeli Army took a photo of the Torah with a knife on it. 

Commenting on this photo, US-based Jewish activist Morgan Artykukhina explained in a tweet: “A sefer Torah is so sacred that Jews treat it almost (but not quite) equivalent to a human life. Jews have died to save Torah scrolls from danger, Muslims literally called us “people of the book” b/c of our love for our Torah. Placing an instrument of death upon it is a threat.”

Elsewhere on twitter, Artykukhina argued that diaspora Jews don’t owe Zionism any loyalty since – as you have learned reading this series so far – Zionists hold them in contempt: “Israel doesn’t deserve the support it gets from the Jewish diaspora. Israeli Zionists hate us & haven’t hesitated to use the same old antisemitic tropes against us to cast themselves as “reborn” from being lowly & pathetic diaspora Jews.”

Artykukhina screenshotted an excerpt of “We are Not One”, which included quote from Zionists Joseph Chaim Brenner who called diaspora Jews “Gypsies and filthy dogs”, A.D. Gordon describing diaspora life as the “parasitism of a fundamentally useless people”, Jabotinsky calling them “ugly, sickly kids” and calling on Zionists to “eliminate the Diaspora or the Diaspora will eliminate you”. A.B. Yehoshua told American Jews they were “playing with Jewishness” ‘while Israelis lived it every day’. 

(5)

A Zionist threat against pro-Palestine supporters serves as another example of Zionists using a horrid anti-Jewish stereotype. “If you keep saying ‘free Palestine’, us Jews are gonna take it, we love free stuff.” 

(6)

When in 2016 the US ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro, said that Israel had different legal standards for Israelis and Palestinians in the West Bank, one of Netanyahu’s former aides called Shapiro a “little Jewboy”. 

(7)

Demeaning the victims of the Nazi genocide, one Israeli politician in December called for Israel to make Gaza “look like Auschwitz”. 

We conclude with the winner, the worst example so far:

(8)

In 2015, a settler group called the Samaria Council used Nazi imagery to criticize the Israeli left in a cartoon. They didn’t apologize afterwards.

Here are some images in case you skip watching the cartoon. The plot of the 2-minute cartoon is: one Mr. Sturmer is reading what is obviously the Ha’aretz newspaper, and asks “The Jew” (Israeli left-wing human rights groups) to provide him with evidence that can be used against Israel. He tosses “The Jew” a coin, and the cycle repeats until eventually he tells “The Jew” to “take care of himself”, at which point “The Jew” hangs himself as well. 

This is hate speech. It isn’t acceptable because it is phrased in first-person plural as “us Jews”. It is an indictment of the anti-Jewish ideology that produced it. That ideology is Zionism.

Zionists treat Jewish people as mere “human material”

Part 6 of a series on Zionism as an anti-Jewish, racist ideology

[A note before we begin here: since the last entry in this series a reader made me aware of a pamphlet by the UK Communist Party’s Harpal Brar, on the same subject matter as Part 5 of this series. People are apparently being arrested for distributing it, but it’s in the UK so no surprise there. Reading the pamphlet made me aware of Lenni Brenner’s work on the topic, the 1983 book Zionism in the Age of the Dictators, and the follow up 51 Documents. Both works are well documented and cover similar ground in case you want to continue studying this topic. OK, on we go.]

In Part 5 of this series I mentioned that the goal of the WW2-era Zionists was to get “human material” for their colony – the material being Jewish people. The acquisition of this “good human material” involved cruel measures by the early Zionists at several key moments in Jewish history, as the book by Yosef Grodzinsky of that title (renamed in the English version to In the Shadow of the Holocaust). One review of Grodzinsky’s work can be found here

Grodzinsky describes a moment when Zionists resorted to cruel measures against Jews in order to acquire this “human material”.

It was the immediate aftermath of WW2, when the Nazi displaced persons (DP) camps were taken over by the Allies. Grodzinsky writes: “thousands of children were lingering in the DP camps, their suffering generating empathy and a desire to help. Perched on bunks amidst the filth like all survivors, their weak bodies were, more than the rest, suffering from malnutrition and disease.”

Organizations from the Allied countries made plans for the expedited rescue of orphans to France, England, and elsewhere. But Zionist leaders objected:

‘“The specter of Jewish children going to European countries seemed threatening to them, as it ran counter to their project—to bring all surviving children to Palestine, as part of Ben-Gurion’s vision “to populate Palestine with multitudes of Jews.”’

The British Jewish envoy, Shalom Adler-Rudel was sent to negotiate with the Zionist leadership – to try to get them to agree to let the children leave to Europe. The Zionists refused to let the children leave the camps until their transfer to Palestine was arranged: “I am a good Zionist,” he told them. But “your decision is not right.”

Another postwar moment Grodzinsky describes is when Zionists attempted to recruit Jewish survivors from the camps into the military to fight the Palestinians. One reporter from the camps, Moshe Ajzenbud, described the mood in a New York socialist magazine:

“Most Jewish refugees who had been through the hell of the ghetto, slavery and death camps under the Nazis, Soviet forced-labor camps, and other disasters, yearn for some quiet place. Regardless of their views on current events in Palestine, they feel physically drained, and have no desire to go into the fire again. They rightfully ask—even the Zionists among them—why do we, having been so pained and tortured, need to go back into the fire?”

When only 700 signed up, the Zionists imposed conscription. “Employees were fired, residents were evicted from their apartments, others were fined, or denied the supplementary food rations that the JDC was distributing to all camp Jews; others were simply beaten up.” Grodzinsky adds these recruitment methods were not anomalous, but systemic: 

“Violent incidents were numerous: The archives are replete with hundreds of official documents describing brutal methods and actions carried out in an identical manner in a large number of camps in Germany and Austria, taking place mostly between March and August 1948. The archives also contain testimony and affidavits about “waves of Zionist harassment” in the camps,as well as vile descriptions, coming from various camps, of forced removal of Jews objecting to the draft from Camp Committees, arrests, and beatings. In a camp near Ulm, for example, “a father of Giyus evader Wecker was beaten up, as was the father of one who did not register; in another case an old father—Richter Aizik, was beaten because his son Moshe Richter did not register…”

The Zionists were more than willing to resort to violence against Jews to make sure the latter were available as “human material” for their colony. 

Zionists suppressed diverse Jewish cultures inside Israel

Once they ended up in Israel, the culture Jews brought with them was negated and erased by the Zionists who had already settled there (referred to as Sabras in the quote that follows). American-Israeli blogger Matt Adler wrote in 2018 that “many Jews arrived (and indeed, arrive) to Israel, Sabras greeted them with hatred.  Iraqi Jews were shamed for speaking Judeo-Arabic.  Ashkenazi Holocaust survivors were not only attacked for speaking Yiddish, they were also called “sabonim” or “soap”…because of the rumor that Hitler made soap out of their families’ bodies.” 

In The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust, Israeli historian Tom Segev described the Zionist campaign of assimilation of the German Jews who went to Israel as refugees from Hitler (called yekkes). When German newspapers sprang up, Zionist activists suppressed them.

“The aim was “to get the German newspapers out of our lives.” Some of the participants said it meant war. One of them proposed demanding of advertisers that they refrain from buying space in the foreign-language press—and demanding of Hebrew newspapers that they not accept ads from those who advertised there. Coffeehouses, barbershops, and hotels should also be told not to offer foreign-language newspapers to their customers.’”

The campaign was ultimately successful, but not before some dramatic moments:

“The intolerance and fanaticism that characterized the campaign to promote Hebrew offended many, the German Immigrants’ Association warned in its newsletter, adopting a heroine for itself: a fourteen-year-old girl, a pupil at a Jerusalem school, to whom a classmate had said, “Go back to Hitler.” The brave and proud girl slapped her classmate on the cheek.”

Yemeni Jews got it even worse. Yakov Rabkin (A Threat From Within, pg. 43) describes their situation: 

“The Yemeni Jews, well known for their devotion to the Torah and for their Judaic erudition, were subjected upon their arrival in Israel in the late 1940s to secular re-education campaigns, often in isolated camps. This measure was aimed primarily at the young, who, while not actually kidnapped, were nonetheless forced to endure ideological pressures designed to estrange them from tradition. Many sources concur: physical violence was employed, particularly when the young secular camp commanders forbade access to young religious Jews who wished to assist the internees… Their Zionist educators apparently forced the young Yemeni Jews to harvest oranges on the Sabbath, to walk about bareheaded and to cut off the side-curls the Yemeni Jews had worn for centuries.”

Zionists wanted to craft the “human material” of Jews into a specific type of colonist. The cultural diversity of Jewish life in the diaspora was disdained. 

Zionists set out to destroy Jewish diaspora life in Iraq and Egypt

Zeev Sternhell in the 1998 book, The Founding Myths of Israel: Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish State, discusses Zionism’s negation of the diaspora:

“a hatred of the diaspora and a rejection of Jewish life were a kind of methodological necessity for Zionism… not only was Jewish history in exile deemed to be unimportant, but the value of living Jews, Jews of flesh and blood, depended entirely on their use as raw material for natural revival.” 

The project of colonizing Palestine has required Zionists to destroy diasporic Jewish life. Zionists used terrorism to destroy the relationships between Jewish communities and the countries in which they lived. 

Iraq terrorist bombings 1949-1952: John Cooley, in the 2005 book Alliance Against Babylon: the US, Israel, and Iraq, cited Naim Giladi, Rabbi Elmer Berger, and Mordecai Ben-Porat about a series of five terrorist bombings against the Jewish community in Baghdad between 1949-52 that helped spark the exodus of Iraq’s Jewish community to Israel. 

  1. One bomb on March 19, 1950, at the American Cultural Center and Library in Baghdad;

  2. The next April 8, 1950, a grenade attack at the Dar-el-Beida cafe. “That night and the next day, leaflets scattered in Jewish neighbourhoods called on Jews to leave Iraq immediately.”

  3. Another grenade attack followed on May 10, this time against a Jewish owned car dealership; another on June 3, 1950 in the wealthy Jewish neighbourhood of El-Batawin. “The Zionist emigration activists asked Tel Aviv to raise the quota for immigration from Iraq.”

  4. Another bomb next to the Jewish-owned Stanley Shasghura building on June 5. “Most members of the Baghdad Jewish community believed that extremist Iraqis, probably all Muslims, wanted to kill them or drive them out, so as to seize their property and money.”

  5. On January 14, 1951, a major grenade attack hit a synagogue full of Kurdish Jews, killing two children and one adult and injuring dozens. By March, “the tempo of flights increased to three or four a day.” 

By the end of the exodus, just 5,000 Iraqi Jews remained of a community that had numbered 130,000. Once the damage was done, the Iraqi authorities caught a man named Yehudah Tajjar, who gave them the names of 15 conspirators. Israel’s emissary, Mordecai Ben-Porat, wrote a book, To Baghdad and Back, (cited by Cooley) that argued that Israel was innocent of wrongdoing. “A series of letters and affidavits, attached to the official Israeli findings, seem to show that the three Jews executed were innocent and framed, and that the attacks were the work of Iraqi officialdom.” 

One of the Iraqi Jews who was part of the exodus to Israel after these bombings was Avi Shlaim, who would become one of the so-called Israeli ‘New Historians’. In his book, Three Worlds: Memoirs of an Arab Jew, he concludes that the Zionist underground was responsible for three of these bombings, but that two others were the work of other Iraqi factions. His evidence includes the initial Baghdad police report, which Shlaim believes “constitutes undeniable proof of Zionist involvement in the terrorist attacks that helped to terminate two and a half millennia of Jewish presence in Babylon.”

The Lavone Affair / Operation Susannah, Egypt 1954: The Iraq bombings were repeated in Egypt with a series of bombs in Cairo and Alexandria in 1954. In Shlaim’s description: 

“A number of Egyptian Jews were arrested for planting bombs in public places and in the US Information Service offices in Cairo and Alexandria. This was an Israeli false flag operation designed to create bad blood between the revolutionary regime headed by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Western powers. Israel’s military intelligence had recruited, trained and equipped the Jewish spy and sabotage ring. The arrest of one member led to the collapse of the whole ring, a well-publicised trial of its nine members, the execution of two of them and the capture of the Israeli officer in charge: Meir Max Binnet, the same Max Binnet who had directed the false flag operations in Baghdad a few years earlier. In 1954 he was a lieutenant-colonel in the military intelligence branch of the IDF. He committed suicide in the Cairo prison by cutting his veins with a razor blade after being tortured and hearing that the Iraqi authorities had requested his extradition.”

See also Shlaim’s fellow “New Historian” Joel Beinin’s 1998 book, The Dispersion of Egyptian Jewry: Culture, Politics, and the Formation of Modern Diaspora, Chapter 4.

Shlaim calls these operations “Cruel Zionism” and argues in his book that while the Palestinians were the “main victims of the Zionist project”, the “Jews of the Arab lands” were a “second category of the victims of the Zionist movement”. The conspiracy and terrorism against Jewish people in Iraq and Egypt is another example of the anti-Jewish nature of Zionism. 

In their acquisition and shaping of “human material” for their colony, Zionists have shown no compunction about the ruthless destruction of Jewish lives, cultures, and traditions.

Historical and ideological convergences between Nazism and Zionism

Part 5 on Zionism as an anti-Jewish, racist ideology

Zionism includes the belief that everyone in the world simply hates Jews

Anti-Zionist Jewish writer Moshe Menuhin, in his 1969 book Not by Might, nor by Power: The Zionist Betrayal of Judaism, quoted historian Arnold Toynbee who wrote in the NYT in 1961 about the common ground between Nazis and Zionists: 

“Zionism and anti-Semitism are expressions of an identical point of view. The assumption underlying both ideologies is that it is impossible for Jews and non-Jews to grow together into a single community and that therefore a physical separation is the only practical way out. The watchword of anti-Semitism is “Back to medieval apartheid”; the watchword of Zionism is “Back to the medieval ghetto.” All the far-flung ghettos in the world are to be gathered into one patch of soil in Palestine to create a single consolidated ghetto there.”

Faris Yahya, in his 1978 book Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany (reviewed over at Liberated Texts) quotes a pamphlet from the socialist organization Matzpen arguing along similar lines: 

“Zionism accepts anti-Semitism as the natural, normal attitude of the non-Jewish world towards the Jew. It does not consider it a distorted, perverted phenomenon, it is a response to anti-Semitism but not a confrontation, denunciation or fight against it. Zionists fundamentally accept the racial ideology of the anti-Semites.” 

These quotes diagnose the common ground between Zionist ideology and the most anti-Jewish ideology ever invented: Nazism. 

Race Science and Zionism

Nazism is basically an extreme combination of two Western inventions: scientific racism and anti-communism. Zionism makes use of both. 

As a European ideology of race hierarchy, violence, and anti-communism, some form of Nazism is found in all European countries. Nazis seek a Europe cleansed both of inferior races and socialist influences. 

Nazis associate Jews with both racial inferiority and with socialism (see, e.g., Paul Hanebrink, A Specter Haunting Europe: The Myth of Judeo-Bolshevism or Joe Emersberger’s review of Mein Kampf, which he calls “Hitler’s Love Letter to Western Imperialism”). As you will see below, Zionists also associate Jews with racial inferiority and with socialism.

Zionists and Nazis also share a common interest: Nazis want Jews out of Europe; Zionists want Jews in Palestine. 

Zionism and Nazism embraced scientific racism, eugenics, and the discredited idea that humanity could be subdivided into a hierarchy of races. The Nazi use of race science is well known. Perhaps less so the Zionist use of the same. But the Zionist embrace of eugenics and race science is reviewed in Tony Greenstein’s book Zionism During the Holocaust.

Greenstein reviews the early figures of what he calls “Racial Zionism”, including Moses Hess, who argued that ‘Race struggle is primary; class struggle is secondary’; Max Nordau, who called Jews ‘a race of accursed beggars’ in an address to the first Zionist Congress in 1897 and who told a French newspaper in 1903 that Zionism was ‘not a question of religion but exclusively of race’; and Jacob Klatzkin who argued that ‘we ought to be thankful to our oppressors that they closed the gates of assimilation to us and took care that our people were concentrated and not dispersed.’ 

But the great sage of racial Zionism was Arthur Ruppin, who Greenstein calls the “single most important figure in Palestinian Zionism in the first four decades of the 20th century.” Director of the Palestine Office from 1908, Hebrew University faculty from 1926, member of the Zionist Executive, founder of the kibbutz, known as the Father of Land Settlement. Ruppin was originally a German nationalist, but adopted Zionism after being rejected by that movement. In Ruppin’s view, East European (Ashkenazi) Jews were descended from Indo-Germanic races and were racially superior to Sephardic (from Spain/Portugal) and Oriental (from Asia) Jews. Sephardic and Oriental Jews shouldn’t be brought to Palestine at all, Ruppin believed, “since they carried Semitic dysgenic elements”. The Zionists nevertheless oversaw the importation of Yemeni Jews as “cheap labour for the Zionist project”, who suffered a 50% death rate between 1912-1918. 

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Arthur Ruppin, race theorist and Zionist

Ruppin had won second place in an 1899 competition for the Krupp Prize for applying Social Darwinism to the organization of society. When a friend called him an anti-Semite, he wrote in his diary that “I have already established here that I despise the cancers of Judaism more than does the worst anti-Semite.” In 1933, he had a friendly conversation with Hans Gunther, writing in his diary about the meeting with “Prof. Hans F.K. Gunther, the founder of National-Socialist race theory. The conversation lasted two hours. Gunther was most congenial and agreed with me that the Jews are not inferior but different, and that the Jewish question has to be solved justly.” Gunther, for his part, praised Zionism for “recognizing the genuine racial consciousness of the Jews.” 

Zionist doctors adopted eugenics: From The Oxford Handbook of the History of Eugenics: “The educator Israel Rubin published a letter to physicians and educators in 1934, in the periodical of the Hebrew Authors’ Association in Palestine, entitled “The ingathering of the exiles from a eugenic perspective.” Rubin viewed “our life in the homeland, in its very essence” to be “a great and courageous national effort in the eugenic sense.”

“Anyone, who does not recognize the return of the sons to the land of their forefathers as a great eugenic revolution in the life of the nation, does not discern the ‘forest’ from the individual trees… The essence is the sum total: The production of a New Hebrew type restored and improved. Thus, a psychobiological approach to the problem of the settlement of Land of Israel is a duty to us all!”

Physician Joseph Mayer, chief executive of the health insurance fund for Jews in Palestine, wrote: “Who has the right to give birth to children? Eugenics, the science for the improvement of the race and keeping it from degeneration, is concerned with searching for proper answers to this question…” 

The Zionist leadership wanted to save the selected, not the mass. In the words of the United Jewish Appeal’s Henry Montor:

“Selectivity is an inescapable factor in dealing with the problem of immigration to Palestine. By ‘selectivity’ is meant the choice of young men and women who are trained in Europe for productive purposes… there could be no more deadly ammunition provided to the enemies of Zionism… if Palestine were to be flooded with very old people or with undesirables who would make impossible the conditions of life in Palestine and destroy the prospect of creating such economic circumstances as would ensure a continuity of immigration.” 

Genetic testing for eugenic reasons continues to be popular in Israel, as Meira Weiss writes in the 2002 book The Chosen Body: The Politics of the Body in Israeli Society. She notes that:

“Israeli geneticists have attitudes towards abortion [that] are, “on average, more positive and accepting than those of their international colleagues. For example, fully 68 percent of them agree that giving birth to a child with a serious impairment is socially wrong. In contrast, geneticists around the world usually regard the decision to abort a deformed fetus as primarily personal. An astounding 14 percent of the Israeli geneticists agree that “the role of genetics is to purify the human genetic pool,” a view that “flouts the international code of ethics of genetic counseling, which stresses non-directiveness.”

The foreign relations of the Zionist organizations and the Nazis

In Eastern Europe where most of the world’s Jews lived before World War 2, people living in Jewish communities held diverse identifications. Some were socialists, others religious Jews, others nationalists of the countries where they lived, others identified strongly with the Yiddish language, others with the Hebrew revival, and finally there were Zionists. Until the rise of Hitler, the Zionist view was not the majority or even the plurality among the world’s Jews. But by the time the State of Israel was founded in 1948, Zionists had claimed the right to speak for all Jews. How did this happen? 

The story of how it happened in Germany is recounted in Faris Yahya’s book. Most German Jews – 95% of those in an organization- belonged to the Central Association of German Citizens of Jewish Faith, which had in its bylaws that its chief task was to fight anti-Semitism. Upon the arrival of the Nazis to power and the declaration of official anti-Semitism, this main organization of German Jews was declared “hostile to the State”. Yahya quotes Hannah Arendt on the consequences: “the Zionists could, for a time at least, engage in a certain amount of non-criminal co-operation with Nazi authorities; the Zionists too believed that ‘dissimilation’ combined with the emigration to Palestine of Jewish youngsters and, they hoped, Jewish capitalists, could be a ‘mutually fair solution.’ At the time, many German officials held this opinion.” Yahya also mentions a Nazi march in June 1932, when “three hundred Nazis marched through the streets of Breslau and terrorised Jewish passersby, shouting ‘Let the Jews go to Palestine’.” 

Isaac Deutscher, Polish-Jewish socialist historian and author of the best-known biography of Trotsky, noted (quoted in Yahya) that “the great majority of Eastern European Jews were, up to the outbreak of the Second World War, opposed to Zionism… they were a significant minority but they never succeeded in attracting a majority of their co-religionists. The most fanatical enemies of Zionism were precisely the workers, those who spoke Yiddish, those who considered themselves Jews; they were the most determined opponents of the idea of an emigration from Eastern Europe to Palestine.” These masses of enemies of Zionism were exterminated by the Nazis. 

The Jewish Agency for Palestine concluded a series of agreements with the German Reich, called the Ha’avara clearing agreements. A Jewish capitalist who wanted to emigrate to Palestine could make a deal with a German exporter, who would transfer goods to Palestine and be paid with the otherwise blocked funds of the emigrating Jewish capitalist, who got his money in Palestinian currency upon arrival. German goods “poured into Palestine” and were supplemented with barter agreements: Palestinian oranges for German machinery, cars, pumps, etc. When the Nazis instituted a boycott against Jewish business and professions in 1933, anti-Nazi Jewish organizations tried to organize a counter-boycott. But “the Zionists’ signature of the Ha’avara agreement effectively sabotaged this hope”, and “Palestine, of all places, was swamped with all kinds of goods ‘made in Germany’.” The Zionist Federation of Germany told a senior Nazi offiical that “the propaganda which calls for boycotting Germany… is by its very nature completely un-Zionist.” The financial value of Ha’avara operations kept growing, from 1.2 million marks in 1933 to 31.4 million in 1937. By its end, the Ha’avara agreements had moved about 140 million marks. 

When the Nazis passed the Nuremberg Laws in 1935, outlawing marriages between Jews and non-Jewish Germans, a member of the Zionist Executive, Menahem Ussishkin, quoted in Tom Segev’s book The Seventh Million, said there was “something positive in their tragedy, and that is that Hitler oppressed them as a race and not as a religion. Had he done the latter, half the Jews in Germany would simply have converted to Christianity.” Ussishkin had told Zionist leaders in Poland in 1920 that they should only send to Palestine migrants who were “physically healthy in the full sense of the word. Weak people who are ill with nervous diseases, tuberculosis and others are coming to us, and I don’t have to explain to you the disaster such wretched people will bring down on the Yishuv.” (quoted in Greenstein, Zionism during the Holocaust). 

In the 1988 book The Hidden History of Zionism, peace activist Ralph Schoenmann writes: “the Zionists brought Baron Von Mildenstein of the SS Security Service to Palestine for a six-month visit in support of Zionism. This visit led to a twelve-part report by Joseph Goebbels, Hitler’s Minister of Propaganda, in Der Angriff (The Assault) in 1934 praising Zionism.”

Goebbels ordered a medallion struck with the Swastika on one side, and on the other, the Zionist Star of David. In May 1935, Reinhardt Heydrich, the chief of the SS Security Service, wrote an article in which he separated Jews into “two categories.” The Jews he favored were the Zionists: “Our good wishes together with our official good will go with them.“ 

In 1937, the Labor Zionist militia, the Haganah (founded by Vladimir Jabotinsky) sent an agent (Feivel Polkes) to Berlin offering to spy for the SS Security Service in exchange for the release of Jewish wealth for Zionist colonization. Adolf Eichmann was invited to Palestine as the guest of the Haganah. Feivel Polkes informed Eichmann: “Jewish nationalist circles were very pleased with the radical German policy, since the strength of the Jewish population in Palestine would be so far increased thereby that in the foreseeable future the Jews could reckon upon numerical superiority over the Arabs.”

After 1938, the Nazis focused on inducing Jewish emigration from Germany. Citing Jon and David Kimche’s book The Secret Roads, Yahya describes a series of meetings between Zionist envoy Moshe Bar Gilad and Adolf Eichmann, who agreed to provide agricultural training for young Jews to prepare them for life in Palestine: “By the end of 1938 about a thousand young Jews were undergoing training in these Nazi provided camps.” Yahya continues: “The agreements which these envoys reached through their contact with the Gestapo and SS, whereby Nazi Germany made a vital contribution towards reinforcing Zionism’s manpower, training and consequent military effectiveness, were not an informal arrangement. They were solemn agreements officially, though secretly, entered into by the Nazi government: an alliance of convenience ordered in a policy directive by Hitler himself.” 

A passage from The Secret Roads quoted by Yahya makes one thing clear: the Zionist envoys were not in Germany “to save German Jews: that was not their job. Their eyes were fixed entirely on Palestine… They were looking for young men and women who wanted to go to Palestine because they wanted a national home of their own and were prepared to pioneer, struggle and, if necessary, fight for it.” 

Hitler and the Nazis abandoned emigration and opted for extermination in 1941 after they attacked the USSR, trapping millions of Jews within their occupied territories. 

Hundreds of thousands of Soviet Jews fought the Nazi invaders in the Red Army; thousands of others fought guerrilla style as partisans; many others fought and died in urban combat in ghetto revolts. 

Meanwhile the Zionists saved their strength for the fight with the Palestinian Indigenous people that they knew was coming after the war. “When the war was in its closing stages, the Zionists dropped 31 parachutists in Nazi-occupied countries, but their task was to organise further emigration to Palestine rather than resistance to Nazism.” 

Saving the selected few from Weizmann and Ben Gurion to the Kastner Affair and the Eichmann Trial

Chaim Weizmann had said in 1937: “From the depths of this tragedy I want to save two million young people… The old ones will pass. They will bear their fate or they will not. They were dust, economic and moral dust in a cruel world… Only the branch of the young shall survive… They have to accept it.” 

If this quote makes Weizmann sound particularly ice-cold, know that Ben-Gurion said much the same in 1938: “If I knew that it would be possible to save all the children in Germany by bringing them over to England, and only half of them by transporting them to Eretz Yisrael, then I would opt for the second alternative. For we must weigh not only the life of these children, but also the history of the people of Israel.” 

“If I knew that it would be possible to save all the children in Germany by bringing them over to England, and only half of them by transporting them to Eretz Yisrael, then I would opt for the second alternative.” – Ben Gurion 1938

Ben-Gurion wrote a letter to the Zionist executive on December 17, 1938 that made this view even more stark. “Britain is trying to separate the issue of refugees from that of Palestine. It is assisted by anti-Zionist Jews. The dimensions of the refugee problem demand an immediate, territorial solution; if Palestine will not absorb them, another territory will. Zionism is endangered… the whole energy of the people will be channelled into saving Jews from various countries. Zionism will be struck off the agenda… we are risking the existence of Zionism.” 

To mitigate the risk, the Zionists put Yitzhak Greenbaum in charge of one of the rescue committees – this agent, in charge of rescuing European Jews, put the goal of colonizing Palestine first: “when they come to us with two plans – the rescue of the masses of Jews in Europe or the redemption of the land – I vote, without a second thought, for the redemption of the land… If there would be a possibility today of buying packages of food (for starving Jews under Nazi rule) with the money of the United Jewish Appeal… would we do such a thing? No! And once again no!” Yahya notes that Yitzhak Greenbaum’s son Eliezer also notoriously worked with the Nazis in Auschwitz. 

One of the Zionist militias, the Irgun-Stern faction (the so-called Stern Gang), authored a document in 1941 that stated that “the evacuation of the Jewish masses from Europe is a precondition for solving the Jewish question; but this can only be made possible and complete through the settlement of these masses in the home of the Jewish people, Palestine, and through the establishment of a Jewish state in its historic boundaries…” Irgun expressed the opinion that “Common interests could exist between the establishment of a new order in Europe in conformity with the German concept, and the true national aspirations of the Jewish people… the establishment of the historical Jewish state on a national and totalitarian basis and bound by a treaty with the German Reich would be in the interest of maintaining and strengthening the future German position of power in the Near East.” The Stern Gang fought the British; when Stern died in 1942, his followers established another militia, “Lehi”, whose members murdered UN Mediator Folke Bernadotte in 1948. Bernadotte had, Yahya notes, “played an important role in WW2 rescuing Jews from Nazi rule and securing them refuge in Sweden.” 

Rudolf Kastner of the Kastner Affair

In 1944, Rudolf Kastner of the Jewish Agency Rescue Committee in Budapest concluded a deal with Adolf Eichmann about the fate of the 800,000 Hungarian Jews. Most Hungarian Jews didn’t belong to any organization: they belonged, as Ben Hecht, author of Perfidy, noted, “only to Hungary, its homes, streets, workshops, sports fields, cafes.” Nonetheless the Zionists of the Jewish Agency inserted themselves as the negotiators for them. In 1953, Israeli journalist Malchiel Greenwald published a series making the accusation that “Kastner’s Rescue Committee had collaborated with the Nazis and helped them to exterminate the bulk of Hungarian Jewry in exchange for being allowed to save more than 600 prominent Zionists and take them to Palestine.” Greenwald was sued by the Israeli government for libel, but the judge ruled that libel had not taken place.

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Malchiel Greenwald, not guilty of libel

Kastner, in his agreement with the Nazis, the judge ruled, had “fixed the division of the nation into two unequal camps, a small fragment or prominents, whom the Nazis promised Kastner to save, and the great majority of Hungarian Jews whom the Nazis designated for death.” The judge had been convinced that Kastner had agreed not to help the masses if the Nazis helped him save the “prominents.” 

Besides Eichmann, another Nazi with whom Rudolf Kastner had a working relationship was SS General Kurt Becher. After the war, Kastner told the Nuremberg Tribunal, in the name of the Jewish Agency and Jewish World Congress, that Becher had opposed the Holocaust and saved lives. After this intercession, Becher was released from prison, became one of Germany’s richest men doing trade between Germany and Israel, testified against Eichmann in the latter’s trial (from Germany), and died wealthy. Writer Ben Hecht noted that Becher had joined the Nazi party all the way back in 1934, served as an SS Major and member of the Death Corps, and “distinguished himself as a Jew slaughterer in Poland and Russia.” 

Becher Kurt
The SS Kurt Becher was Commissar of all German concentration camps. Kastner interceded on his behalf and he wasn’t punished.

The journalist Malchiel Greenwald had a lawyer, Shmuel Tamir, who had hoped to bring Kastner to trial as a collaborator. But Kastner was curiously assassinated and that loose end tied up. The story was picked up by Israeli journalist Moshe Keren, who wrote that the Kastner trial would “poison the air above us”, that the “state of Israel will never be after this verdict what it was before the verdict.” But the over-inquisitive Keren, too, was assassinated in Germany.

Yahya asked: why was Eichmann tried but not Becher, who was Eichmann’s superior in the SS and just as responsible for the Nazi genocide? Yahya cites Moshe Pearlmann’s book The Capture and Trial of Adolf Eichmann, arguing that the ghost of Kastner was there, “hovering over the courtroom” in the Eichmann trial in Jerusalem. One of Kastner’s aides, Andre Biss, wanted to clear Kastner’s name by showing that Kastner had been following the guidance of the whole Zionist movement. Biss had been invited to testify, but he was told by the prosecutor (Hausner) “to omit from my evidence any mention of… the Kastner affair. Furthermore I should not speak of Becher’s activities… I told him I could not give evidence unless I was free to tell the whole truth. Hausner finally preferred to dispense with me as a witness.” When Israel executed Eichmann, Yahya notes, they executed “not the most senior surviving Nazi war criminal”, but “probably the Nazi with the most detailed knowledge of the Zionist movement’s relationship with the Nazi regime. All that knowledge died with him.” 

Converging on the view that Jews must not be allowed to have normal Western lives

Both Nazis and Zionists converge on the racist view that Jews are naturally obedient and frightened, that they went to their deaths in the Nazi genocide “like sheep to the slaughter”, as opposed to having a diverse range of reactions like any group of human beings. In fact there was tremendous and heroic Jewish resistance including partisans in Nazi-occupied territories, the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, and the 350-500,000 Jews who fought with the Red Army against the Nazis. In Steven Friedman’s view the falsehood is convenient for Zionism, however, “because it strengthened the false claim that Jews could protect themselves only if they had a state. It also reinforced the notion of the ‘diaspora Jew’ as a lesser form of Jew compared to those who relied on states and armies.”

Zionists claim the rationale for the state of Israel is as the refuge of Jews facing persecution. “But”, Friedman notes in the previously mentioned Good Jew, Bad Jew, “the Zionists saw any effort to rescue Europe’s Jews not as the fulfilment of their political purpose but as a threat to their entire movement. If Europe’s Jews were saved, they would wish to go elsewhere and the rescue operation would have nothing to do with the Zionist project of conquering Palestine.”

The convergence between Nazis and Zionists on the question of whether Jews can live in Europe runs counter to the revealed preferences of Jews, who want to live in the West. When the USSR collapsed, hundreds of thousands of Jews wanted to migrate to the West. Zionists negotiated to get Germany close their doors to them and to prevent Soviet Jews from getting to other countries like the US, denying Jewish wishes, keeping Germany, the birthplace of European Nazism and once its strongest proponent, from accepting more Jews, and ensuring that the “human material” (a dehumanizing way Zionists referred to Jews, on which more later in the series) went to colonize Palestine. 

In summary: The historical convergence of Nazism (the ultimate anti-Jewish ideology) and Zionism (also an anti-Jewish ideology), is based on a shared embrace of: 1. Race science and racial hierarchies; 2. Anti-communism; 3. The notion that Jews cannot be allowed to live normal lives as Jews in Eastern Europe, the US, Canada, etc., and their presence is a problem, whose ‘solution’ could be sending them to colonize Palestine. At Hanukkah at the White House in 2023, Biden restated this Zionist thesis when he said that “no Jew in the world would be safe without Israel”, a horrible thing for a US President, whose government is ultimately responsible for the safety of millions of American Jews, to say. 

President Joe Biden hosts a Hanukkah reception in the East Room of the White House on Dec. 11, 2023 in Washington.
Biden, telling Jews they aren’t safe in America but only Israel, on a major Jewish holiday

Many have wondered why Israel has such good relations with far-right, Nazi-adjacent or aligned movements in Europe; why anti-Jewish politicians in Europe march under the Israeli flag or salute Netanyahu. The answer is tragic and simple: ideological convergence. 

The Early Zionists held Jews in contempt

Part 4 on Zionism as an anti-Jewish, racist ideology

If tsarist Russia had an official in charge of antisemitism, it was Interior Minister Vyacheslav von Plehve, who implemented anti-Jewish policy measures, enforced the ghetto limits, and organized actual pogroms like the Kishinev pogrom of 1903.

Vyacheslav von Plehve - Wikidata
von Plehve (d. 1904)

Plehve had a correspondence with and a meeting with the founder of Zionism, Theodor Herzl. Another tsarist minister, Count Witte, met Herzl as well. Witte told Herzl “If it were possible to drown six or seven million Jews in the Black Sea, I would be perfectly happy to do so, but it is not possible, so we must let them live. But we encourage the Jews to emigrate.”

A destroyed house in the aftermath of the Kishinev pogrom 1903

The tsarist Russian pogroms saw many Jews trying to flee, and most wanted to go to Western Europe, including Britain. This was unhappy news for Zionists, who wanted the Jews to go to Palestine, and unhappy news for Britain’s aristocratic antisemites, who didn’t want more Jews in Britain. Faris Yahya, in his 1978 book Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany, relates that Herzl gave evidence to Britain’s Royal Commission on Alien Immigration in 1902 and 1903, where Herzl “called for the stream of migration to be diverted away from Britain.” Herzl also met up with Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain, who spoke publicly in 1904 about how Zionism was a good idea – and more Jewish migration to Britain, a bad one.

Madness and Civilization, Cosmos and History: An Anthology: 'The Jewish ...
Herzl

Then there’s Lord Arthur Balfour, who authored the declaration offering Palestine to the Zionists on behalf of the British Empire in 1917. Balfour spoke to Parliament against Jewish immigration: “It would not be to the advantage of the civilisation of the country that there should be an immense body of persons who, by their own action, remained a people apart, and not merely held a religion differing from the vast majority of their fellow-countrymen, but only intermarried among themselves.”

Another Balfour quote along these lines, quoted by Richard Silverstein:

“For as I read its [Zionism’s] meaning it is, among other things, a serious endeavour to mitigate the age-long miseries created for Western civilisation by the presence in its midst of a body which it too long regarded as alien and even hostile, but which it was equally unable to expel or to absorb. Surely, for this if for no other reason it should receive our support.”

The only Jewish member of the British Government, Sir Edwin Montagu, opposed the Balfour declaration: “I assert that there is not a Jewish nation,” he said. “When the Jews are told that Palestine is their national home, every country will immediately desire to get rid of its Jewish citizens, and you will find a population in Palestine driving out its present inhabitants.”

The Lie of a Jewish Nation - Tony Greenstein
“I assert that there is not a Jewish nation” – Sir Edward Montagu

Not only did Herzl disagree with Montagu, but he believed, according to Hannah Arendt (quoted by Faris Yahya) that anti-Semitism could be “used in the same way that boiling water is used to produce steam power.” Anti-Semitism to Herzl was “an overwhelming force.” Jews “would either have to make use of it or be swallowed up by it.” Herzl himself wrote that “the governments of all countries scourged by anti-Semitism will be keenly interested in assisting us to obtain the sovereignty we want.”

Herzl had some hair-raisingly anti-Semitic quotes flowing from his own pen: “We, the Jews, not only have degenerated and are located at the end of the path, we spoiled the blood of all the peoples of Europe … Jews are descended from a mixture of waste of all races.”

“We, the Jews, not only have degenerated and are located at the end of the path, we spoiled the blood of all the peoples of Europe … Jews are descended from a mixture of waste of all races.” – Theodor Herzl

Writer Yarden Katz wrote about Herzl’s beliefs in a recent Mondoweiss article:

“Like other Zionists, Herzl viewed Jews as a kind of “degenerate race.” He thought that Jewish communities “produce an abundance of mediocre intellects who find no outlet,” Jewish agitators that are “rapidly becoming Socialists” and create trouble for governments. Prior to adopting the idea of colonizing Palestine, Herzl thought the best plan for Jews would be mass conversion to Christianity.”

Katz’s article concludes that Zionism is anti-Jewish: “I hope we can move from “not in our name” and the weak reactive claim that “anti-zionism is not antisemitism” to we need to dismantle Israel for our own liberation, and zionism is anti-Jewish.”

Johannesburg-based professor Steven Friedman in his new book Good Jew, Bad Jew: Racism, anti-Semitism and the assault on meaning, elaborated on Herzl: “In 1882 Herzl agreed with the anti-Semite Eugen Duhring that Jews were crooked, lacked moral seriousness and were parasites.” A play that Herzl wrote, The New Ghetto, was full of anti-Semitic stereotypes. 

Christian Zionist Laurence Oliphant (1829-1888) wrote a book in 1880 calling for the expulsion of the Palestinians emulating the theft of land from Indigenous nations in North America: “the same system might be pursued which we have adopted with success in Canada with our North American Indian tribes, who are confined to their “reserves,” and live peaceably upon them in the midst of the settled agricultural population.” Oliphant held the local Jewish population of Palestine in contempt. “It is certainly not among the Jews of Jerusalem that I should look for colonists.” [cited by Yakov Rabkin, What is Modern Israel? pg. 45]

From the Zionist perspective, Jews were raw material for the colonization project (much more on this is ahead in the series). And Zionists were not shy about assessing the material and finding it inadequate. Steven Friedman quotes another early Zionist, Max Nordau, who “wanted Zionism to create ‘a new muscle Jew’ who would fight battles rather than run from them. Even the bodies of most Jews (or, at least most Jewish men) were to him a sign of deformity and decay.” The Russian early labor Zionist Aaron David Gordon (quoted by Steven Friedman) said this about Jews:

“We are a parasitic people. We have no roots in the soil, there is no ground beneath our feet. And we are parasites not only in an economic sense, but in spirit, in thought, in poetry, in literature, and in our virtues, our ideals, our higher human aspirations. Every alien movement sweeps us along, every wind in the world carries us. We in ourselves are almost non-existent, so of course we are nothing in the eyes of other people either.”

“The Jewish people,” wrote Vladimir Jabotinsky in a 1906 pamphlet, “is a very bad people; its neighbors hate it and rightly so… its only salvation lies in a general immigration to the land of Israel.” 

Jabotinsky

Jabotinsky’s lawyer in his 1920 trial for anti-Palestinian violence was a charismatic Dutch Zionist immigrant named Jacob Israel de Haan. But De Haan became disillusioned with Jabotinsky and began producing anti-Zionist writings for audiences back in Europe. Yakov Rabkin’s 2006 book A Threat From Within: A History of Jewish Opposition to Zionism, tells the story of what happened to De Haan:

“An alliance of Jews, Muslims and Christians for peace stood poised to discredit the minority Zionists, who, imbued with a sense of mission, insisted that they alone spoke in the name of the Jewish people. They ostracized, degraded and insulted De Haan. One incident illustrated the difficulties facing this Western, middle-class Jew who had taken an anti-Zionist position in a highly ideologized society built around fanatical left-wing Russian Zionists. A Dutch tourist related that in the course of a stroll with De Haan through the streets of Jerusalem, several passersby spat upon the ground as they passed: Is this not a sign of disrespect?” asked the tourist. “Not at all, it’s a sign of respect for you; had you not been with me, they would have spat in my face.”

Jacob Israël de Haan Biografie
Jacob De Haan, assassinated by Zionists in 1924

De Haan was assassinated by Zionist agents in 1924 shortly after returning from London. The threat he posed? “The Zionists feared that De Haan would succeed in setting up a rival organization comprised of leading rabbis who would reject the nationalist ambitions of the Zionist movement and establish cooperative relations with Arab leaders.”

In summary: The founders of Zionism expressed extremely racist views about Jews; they agreed with pre-Nazi European anti-Semites in the racist belief that Europe ought to be “cleansed” of Jews, who were believed by both Zionists and anti-Semites to be a “foreign body” of parasitic socialist agitators to be gotten rid of, better “implanted” in a colony somewhere.

The Zionists were more than willing to kill Jews like De Haan on the road to winning their colony. As we’ll see in the next instalment, the Zionists turned out to have a very high tolerance for the sacrifice of Jewish lives for the sake of their project.

Christian Zionism is an anti-Jewish doctrine

Part 3 on Zionism’s anti-Jewish nature: Darby, Scofield, Blackstone, Hagee, and of course Armageddon

“The Jews came to Zionism long after the Christians”, Yakov Rabkin writes in What is Modern Israel?

“The Jews came to Zionism long after the Christians” – Yakov Rabkin

Christian Zionism precedes 19th-century Zionism, and is based on a particular Protestant reading of specific, violent passages of the Bible that were used to justify genocide against Indigenous people in the Americas by American settlers before being used by the 20th century Zionist movement.

 US-based professor Samuel Goldman summarized some of his work on Christian Zionism in “The Real Reason Americans Support Israel”, a 2019 Tablet Magazine article.

The Christian Zionist literary story begins either late in the 1500s or early in the 1600s. The colonization of the Americas is underway and an apocalypse of disease and genocide is very much being unleashed upon the Indigenous peoples there (to get a sense of that, David Stannard’s book American Holocaust is a good starting point). The genocide in the Americas was justified in Biblical terms, using the same passages of Genesis and Joshua that Zionists find so useful.

In England, Thomas Brightman wrote the 1611 book Revelation of the Revelation, Henry Finch in 1621 wrote The World’s Great Restauration, or Calling of the Jews, and with them of all Nations and Kingdoms of the Earth to the Faith of Christ. Both men believed that for the Jews to return to Palestine would accelerate the Apocalypse. In 1643, Isaac La Peyrere, a Huguenot Calvinist of Jewish background wrote Du Rappel des juifs – about a Jewish return to Palestine and facilitating the Second Coming. 

In 1649, Johanna and Ebenezer Cartwright petitioned the Thomas Fairfax Council of War for Jewish re-entry to England (as a path for return to Palestine). “this Nation of England, with the Inhabitants of the Nerther-lands, shall…transport Izraells Sons & Daughters in their Ships to the Land promised to their fore-Fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, for an everlasting Inheritance.”

Anglo-American Zionism continued with Joseph Priestly (1733-1804) attempting to convince British rabbi David Levi (1740-1799) to “organize a transfer of Jews to Palestine”. Levi, however, “rejected the idea of reinstating the Jews in the Holy Land by material means and affirmed that the Jews must accomplish their mission in their countries of residence.” 

Anglican preacher John Nelson Darby (1801-1882) formulated the “premillennial dispensationalist” doctrine. His sect was the Plymouth Brethren, and he founded a sub-group of bible students called the Exclusive Brethren. Darby read the bible and believed the Rapture was coming. For those who don’t know, the Rapture is when all the dead Christians will be resurrected, all the living Christians will join them, and they all ascend to heaven together. Before this, there will be violent years of tribulation for Christians on earth who live through the end times, with the rise of the Antichrist, the restoration of the Jewish Temple in Israel and the sacrifice of a perfect red heifer there. This view of the bible, reading it as a codebook for future events (also called futurism) is novel – Catholics, for example, don’t learn it. But it is mainstream in American evangelical Christianity and has been popularized by the mega-bestselling Left Behind series of books (80 million copies), video games, and movies.

Unfortunately for the Americans of a century ago, the Left Behind multimedia experience was unavailable. The Left Behind of 1909 was the Scofield Bible – in fact, the Scofield Bible is the 19th century Left Behind and the Christian version of Theodore Herzl’s 1896 book The Jewish State. It’s an important book.

Cyrus Scofield in 1920. His Bible notes haunt the Middle East to this day.

Civil War Confederate veteran Cyrus Scofield was a Missouri lawyer after the war, then an elected Congressman in the Kansas House of Representatives, a corrupt US District Attorney for Kansas – forced to resign for stealing political contributions, forging signatures, and taking bribes, and a family man who abandoned his first wife and children. After his checkered career in public service, Scofield found religion and became a minister. In 1909 Oxford University Press published his Scofield Reference Bible with his own annotations, which explained the biblical passages in terms of Darby’s premillennial dispensationalist visions. The Scofield Bible sold millions of copies.

The previous generation had their own Left Behind series – another mega-bestseller (28 million copies) futurist geopolitical fiction mapping Darby’s doctrines on to the 1970s it was called The Late Great Planet Earth by Hal Lindsay. Lindsay’s genius was to update versions of the book as America’s enemies changed. In 1970, the threat to Israel came from Russia; by the 1990s, it was a joint Russia-Muslim operation; by 1999, China was in there too. “It is amazing, is it not”, wrote Lutheran critic of Christian Zionism Joseph Neuberger in his Master’s thesis, “that the great enemies of God’s people just happen to coincide with the national enemies of America at any given moment?” In the Christian Zionist reading of the bible, unlike non-Zionist Christian readings, “Israel” means the state of Israel – this is to be read literally. But Israel’s enemies in the bible are tribes (Canaanites, etc.) that don’t exist any more – these enemies have to be read figuratively and flexibly, which the Lindsay and the Left Behind authors do.

Befitting a story about Christian Zionism specifically, there’s a trinity of key Christian Zionists: Scofield, Darby, and William Blackstone, who believed that America had the special role of fulfilling the Zionist dream. Blackstone’s mega-bestseller was a pamphlet published in 1898 and called, simply, Jesus is Coming.

William Blackstone, whose Zionist work, according to Brandeis, antedated Herzl.

He was described by Justice Brandeis in 1916 as “the Father of Zionism, as your work antedates Herzl.” Addressing the Provisional Committee in 1916, Justice Brandeis called Blackstone “the “most important ally which Zionism has in America outside the Jewish rank”, reminding the audience that Blackstone had sent a petition 25 years before to the US president asking him to “use his influence to consider Jewish problems with a view to the giving of Palestine to the Jews.” Blackstone was honored again in 1918: deep in the post-Reconstruction nadir of the Jim Crow US, when lynchings and race riots occurred in impunity, a Zionist meeting in Los Angeles honored Blackstone, who explained his theological view to the assembled Zionists (quoted in Merkley, The Politics of Christian Zionism 1891-1948, pg. 62) :

“[There are] only three courses open to every Jew … The first is to become a true Christian, accepting Jesus as Lord and Savior, which brings not only forgiveness and regeneration, but ensures escape from the unequaled time of tribulation which is coming upon all the earth … Second – become a true Zionist and thus hold fast to the ancient hopes of the fathers, and the assured deliverance of Israel, through the coming of their Messiah, and complete national restoration and permanent settlement in the land which God has given them. It is true that this leads through unequaled sorrows, as prophesied notably by Jeremiah … [Third – there is the way of] the assimilants. They are the Jews who will not be either Christians or Zionists. They wish to remain in the various nations enjoying their social, political, and commercial advantages … Oh, my Jewish friends, which of these paths shall be yours? … God says that you are dear unto Him … He has put an overwhelming love in my heart for you all, and therefore I have spoken thus plainly. Study this wonderful Word of God … and see how plainly God Himself has revealed Israel’s pathway unto the perfect day.”

Hal Lindsay was also a televangelist, and the super-popular Christian Zionist televangelists Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson, and of course John Hagee also keep the spirit of Christian Zionism alive through daily sermons. Hagee — who said Hurricane Katrina was God’s punishment on Americans for supporting Israel’s 2005 abandonment of the Gaza settlements — uses his pulpit to preach to Americans not to allow any Israel to make any negotiations or compromises (quoted in Neuberger): “God says when you divide up my land, or cause it to be divided up, I will bring you into judgment. And right now the peace process that we call the Road Map to Peace is forcing Israel to divide up the land that God has given to the Jewish people. And God’s response is ‘I am going to bring judgment on the nation that does this.’ I am going to say this without blinking. If America continues to force Israel to give up land to the enemies of Israel, the judgment of God will come to America in unprecedented portions.”

Christian Zionist lobby makes its case to Washington's liberal Jews ...
Pastor Hagee says Israel making peace could bring the judgment of God.

Hagee’s declarations are not unique for Christian Zionism. Theology professor Brad Harper in a 2011 article “Apocalypse Soon? Premillenarianism and Popular Responses to Zionism: A Brief History” quotes the final declaration of an Israel-sponsored Christian Zionist conference in Switzerland 1996.

“According to God’s distribution of nations, the Land of Israel has been given to the Jewish People by God as an everlasting possession by an eternal covenant. The Jewish People have the absolute right to possess and dwell in the Land, including Judea, Samaria, Gaza and the Golan.

“Because of the sovereign purposes of God for the city, Jerusalem must remain undivided, under Israeli sovereignty, open to all peoples, the capital of Israel only and all nations should so concur and place their embassies there.

It would be an error for the nations to recognize a Palestinian state in any part of Eretz Israel.”

It is apparent that God’s will coincides perfectly with joint US/Israel geopolitical ambitions.

Brad Harper’s article, “Apocalypse Soon?” concludes by noting some passages of the bible that the Christian Zionists don’t seem to cling to as closely: “The same passages that speak of God’s future blessings to Israel also speak of his blessings upon Egypt and Assyria… in the biblical story of creation, we are told that all people are valuable because they were created in the image of God— and, in the New Testament story of salvation, we are told that God sent Jesus Christ into the world not just for Israel, but for the whole world.”

Now. What, in all this, is anti-Jewish?

(Beyond trying to bring about the end of the world, which would be anti-Jewish because Jews are part of the world?)

(Beyond blocking any negotiated peace options, which would save lives including Jewish lives, by invoking God’s will?)

(And beyond Blackstone’s notion that Jews should either follow the hopeless dead-end of assimilation, or the productive roads of Zionism or conversion to Christianity?)

Beyond these three points there is a specific element of this theology that states that when Jesus does return to earth, the Jews that are here will either convert to Christianity en masse or die as sinners.

So, while Christian Zionists believe that America has a divine mandate to protect the State of Israel, their end goal is the end of the world and the mass conversion or death of all Jews. Israel’s cynical statesmen play along because to them the bible and the fools who believe in it are mere tools. The Christian Zionists, meanwhile, understand Israel to be their tool – in bringing about the Apocalypse.

Christian Zionism is the original type of Zionism and is an anti-Jewish doctrine. 


Now some news notes in case you missed them – images from the past few days – one point of no return after another.

The United Nations, whose utter uselessness has been exposed through this conflict, unable to name the perpetrator as Israel mocks the organization, murders its personnel, bombs its safe zones and sites, just had a Security Council ceasefire resolution vetoed by the US.

The financial times and the Guardian have noted that Israel’s bombing is the most intense bombing in human history and kills the highest proportion of civilians (the Guardian: “The ratio is significantly higher than the average civilian toll in all the conflicts around the world during the 20th century”).

Devastation of northern Gaza comparable to Allied bombing campaign of German cities. Chart showing Per cent of buildings damaged during conflict of Northern Gaza, Dresden, Cologne and Hamburg.

Speaking of historical precedents, Israel is staging stripped and humiliated photos of men they round up and claim they are Hamas – including marking them with numbers and torturing them.

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They have been using snipers to kill pregnant women and an elderly woman, Hadiya Nassar, who’d given an interview saying she was older than the State of Israel.

The murder of literature teacher Refaat Alareer, the target had been put on his back by social media figure Bari Weiss (Refaat had said, after the death threats started pouring in, that if he died he held Weiss responsible), looks like it was a targeted assassination. He had apparently “received an anonymous phone call from someone who identified himself as an Israeli officer and threatened Refaat that they knew precisely the school where he was located and were about to get to his location with the advancement of Israeli ground troops.”

Max Blumenthal writes: “According to EuroMed’s report, he then returned to his sister’s apartment to avoid endangering others in the school/shelter. There, he was killed by a “surgical” strike by the Israeli military.” Refaat Alareer’s murder was celebrated online by many pro-Israel people, “publicly, under their own names celebrating and cheering the killing of Refaat Alareer and his family which includes children”, as one tweeter noted. His poem, “If I must die”, is being translated into many of the languages of the earth in this twitter thread.

Israel’s military is besieging another school, the Khalifa school in Beit Lahiya (in the north).

And planting the Israeli flag in the ruins.

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On one of the telegram channels where Israelis watch the carnage, one poster expressed concern about how the glee would be seen from the outside.

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“It’s fun to watch and all,” wrote ben, “but these videos reach social media and portray us as psychopaths who commit genocide while smiling and laughing. I don’t know if it’s wise or not, but I’ve come across a lot of posts like this that are used by the enemy.”