Hosted by Justin Podur
The best place to follow it is IMEMC, it seems to me.
Over the course of an invasion like this, mistakes tend to happen. Like, for example, the mistake Israeli snipers made when they shot 13-year old Iman Alhamas 20 times. Not to worry though. “Military sources… said the case was being investigated and confirmed the possibility that she had been shot from several posts.”
Indymedia reports on this bizarre incident.
Dozens killed by simultaneous blasts at resorts in Egypt. 39 killed and hundreds injured at bombings of Sunni Muslim rallies in Pakistan.
Stan Goff argued in a recent article that participation of countries like Brazil, Argentina, in Chile in the coup against Haiti is not only opportunistic and unprincipled, but unlikely to get those countries anything in the bargain. Here’s a quote from him:
This acquiescence — no, collaboration — with the diktat of the US will not loosen the parasitic grip of the Imperial Center on a single Latin American, nor will it ameliorate that Center’s intent to continue exploiting the entire region until it is used up and dead. This pious fantasy that cooperation will be rewarded has been the downfall of many a leader, including Aristide who was taken from his home after calling for “peaceful mobilization” even in the faced of murderous paramilitaries.
(Part of why I like Goff is that he doesn’t mince words). Many think all this is angling for a seat at the UN security council. Which, if that’s what Brazil is after, is a really pathetic goal. The US will still be able to veto whatever it wants and it will still continue to treat the UN with contempt.
For those who hoped for more when Lula was elected — in Brazil and out — there are more disappointments in Brazil’s recent foreign policy.
Not only are Brazilian troops ratifying the coup in Haiti, they are now helping the Haitian Police cleanse Haiti of Aristide supporters. On October 6, Reuters reported the following:
Clashes between police and criminal gangs and violence between the gangs have killed 45 people in recent days, including seven policemen. The military commander of the U.N. troops, Brazilian Gen. Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira, said Haitian authorities must act, but only on the basis of credible intelligence. “We cannot intervene without good intelligence. Otherwise if we go to the slums and start shooting on all that moves, it’s going to be a carnage,” Heleno said.
Take what Reuters says and add it to what the reporters of Haiti Information Project are putting out. This is from their report yesterday:
UN forces using Armored Personnel Vehicles (APV’s) and attack trained dogs are currently taking up positions around the pro-Aristide slum of Bel Air. They are joined by heavily armed units of the Haitian police following a statement by Minister of Justice Bernard Gousse that the U.S.-backed government would give a “muscular response” to opponents of the regime. This comes one day after the Haitian National Police (PNH) and UN officials held meetings to formulate a plan to end armed resistance that broke out after police fired on unarmed demonstrators on September 30th.
…
A UN helicopter could been seen circling overhead as APV’s manned by Brazilian troops took up positions around the slum. Unidentified UN troops could be seen handling what appeared to be special canine units as frightened residents ran for cover. A spokesperson for PNH announced the action involved 200 UN troops with 150 Haitian police and that more than 75 persons have been arrested in Bel Air this morning.
Brazilian President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva met with U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell yesterday where the deteriorating situation in Haiti topped the agenda. Brazil’s role in leading the UN mission was recently criticized by representatives of Aristide’s Lavalas party. They charged the UN forces did nothing to stop the Haitian police from provoking this latest crisis by firing on unarmed demonstrators on September 30th. Despite the destabilizing role played by the Haitian police, UN Special Representative Juan Gabriel Valdés reiterated “the U.S.-backed UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) will continue to work in support of the Haitian police in maintaining public order, thereby helping to ensure the security of Haiti’s citizens and respect for the rule of law.”
Could it be that the “criminal gangs” that the police are bravely battling with UN help are really Aristide supporters who have finally started in some small ways to resist getting liquidated all over the country by the dictatorship?
There is reason to believe that that kind of alchemy happens in the media. Take a look at this report, for example, from a tiny Canadian group called “Haiti News Watch”, “an independent organization dedicated to fact checking news sources related to coverage of events in Haiti. Our reports and analysis of news content is intended to provide readers with story context and the background of sources used in published articles related to Haiti.”
Haiti News Watch found in a CBC (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation) story of October 6 titled “Aristide supporters threaten continued violence in Haiti”, a quotation that said:
“The pro-Aristide factions took machetes, guns, rocks and bottles and roamed through a Port-au-Prince slum, threatening to behead foreigners.”
They looked up the source. It was an AP story by Amy Bracken of the same day, October 6, 4:22pm ET: “One angry man in Bel Air thrust a gun into the face of an Associated Press reporter Wednesday, yelled expletives against President Bush and U.N. peacekeepers, then screamed: “We are going to kidnap some Americans and cut off their heads.”
And that, dear readers, is how “One angry man” with a gun becomes a “faction”
with “machetes, guns, rocks and bottles”.
The disappointments are not over yet, though.
In addition to this kind of behaviour in occupied Haiti, Brazil has decided that it is going to collaborate with Washington’s Drug War as well, sharing radar data about planes flying over the Amazon, according to a Reuters story of today. What happened to the Brazil that made the “small gesture of national dignity” those months ago? A lot of Brazilians are asking that question. The price of US scraps at the Security Council table seems far too high.
Rumours of the death of the anti-capitalist globalization movement have been greatly exaggerated. In Latin America, even in countries like Colombia that have civil wars to worry about, the fight against neoliberalism is still the battle. The fact that neoliberalism is still the major killer in Latin America has caused some of our best activist minds to mix up neoliberals and neoconservatives. But that’s a tale for another day.
I blogged a couple of days ago (in an admittedly convoluted way) about social movements in Peru and their plan to mobilize for an anti-FTAA (for readers just tuning in, FTAA is the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas, and it is one of those “free trade” agreements that ought to be called “investor rights” agreements, in that they give multinational investors rights that supercede citizens’ life-and-death human rights. If you want background on this ZNet’s Globalization section is a good place to start). Yesterday I blogged about the Indigenous and Popular Congress in Colombia, which is moving quickly to establish itself all over the country.
Well, it turns out one of the commitments the Indigenous and Popular Congress has made is to join Peru’s social movements in a major anti-FTAA mobilization on October 12.
In Ecuador, they are planning protests at the US Embassy on that day.
Today in Colombia, there is another major march going on from Santander to Bogota (an enormous distance!) to protest health care privatization.
This is in a country where paramilitaries are continuing to kill with impunity. On October 2, for example, 27-year old Yorbeli Amparo Restrepo was assassinated by paramilitaries on an army-controlled road near San Jose de Apartado, a peace community. Union leader from agricultural worker’s union FENSUAGRO Pedro Jaime Mosquera (Vice-President of the Arauca region) was just assassinated.
They are fighting on against neoliberalism despite terrible repression. The contrast with so many of our organizations in North America, which collapsed when needed most because of the upcoming election — as Rahul argues in his blog — is somewhat of a shame.
For readers who follow my work because they seek good Colombia information in English, I apologize for not reporting on the situation as much as I should have been. I will try to catch up. There were major and very successful events and mobilizations in Colombia on the part of the indigenous of Northern Cauca. I have translated the final declaration of their massive mobilization that happened last month. Some 60,000 marched for peace, against neoliberalism, and for autonomy. They succeeded in beginning to break the isolation that the government is trying to impose on them. They succeeded against extraordinary challenges and odds. I will write a full article about the mobilization soon. Meanwhile, here are their own words.
The First Popular Indigenous Congress
The Indigenous and Popular Mandate of the Minga for Life, Justice, Joy, Freedom, and Autonomy
Cali, September 18, 2004
The Challenge Before Us
We bring with us the memories and experiences of a long history of struggle and resistance. We rely on our identities and cultures to confront the many threats that face us time and time again. This path has not been easy. Since the Conquest and without cease, arrogance, egoism, ignorance and disrespect have fallen on us with lies, false promises, the power of ever more lethal weapons, and with institutions, laws, and norms that bring us misery, exploitation, pain, and dependence. Each time they attack us, they assure us it is for our own good. Each time we have had to learn the deception, unite and organize to defend ourselves. It has always served us to return to our roots, take advantage of the wisdom of our own collective memory, listen to our elders and pay attention to nature to make ourselves a part of life and defend ourselves by defending it. Time and again we have had to learn to resist and do so differently in accordance with the challenge before us. We have come from far, over a long period. The latest steps have brought us to this Congress of Peoples, the latest stage in this long history. More than the latest stage, it is the beginning of a new path we have decided to take. With the 60,000 that marched to Cali and in other parts of the country, our memories have marched; our elders have marched; those who opened the way by struggling before us, many men and women in many places within and outside of Colombia who have recognized the danger, suffered the pain and got up to march for the other world we know is possible and necessary.
The challenge of this new age is immense. It may be the most serious of our entire history. We suffer a damaging, evil ‘order’. We know this and say it loud. It is not only our cultures, communities, peoples and families who are at risk. It is life itself that can be destroyed by the blindness of those who are using the greatest power in history to make everything that exists part of a market with their project of death.
We know that what must occur does not yet exist except in our own commitment, the memory of everything we live and what we must invent, grow, and protect to open the way.
The project that threatens life does not respect borders – that’s why it is called ‘globalization’. It comes to our communities and into our homes throughout Colombia and the world. It brings war, lies of propaganda, the power of law, and the power of money. It comes for the wealth of nature and the work of people to exploit and sell. Those who control and make decisions to serve their interests are far away. They are in the directorships of large multinational corporations and in the financial centres of the world that end up with everything. They use governments and armies and institutions to do their bidding. They convince us that all this is inevitable.
This is hard to see, understand, resist and change. It requires unity, creativity, solidarity, commitment, sacrifice and work, but also a desire to live. Because we face a large and difficult challenge, this mobilization is also different. We have not come out only to demand something of the government or to denounce, though we are doing that also. This time we come to bring people together, to bring organizations and processes together. We march to express our commitment to unite to work and weave reciprocal solidarity that is necessary to defend life. This time we know that we cannot do it alone and we need one another to understand, resist, and create the possible and necessary world. We have surprised the government, power, the country, and the world because we have not come out to demand what is ours by right. Instead we call this Minga with a proposal so that all peoples can define an indigenous and popular mandate to orient the process and advance from this reality of confusion and death towards a project of life for and from the people.
Our actions show the value of our words. That is why our power to convoke and the force of our arguments grows. For us, our acts of dignity and resistance speak. The first indigenous and popular congress has won its objectives. The country and the world have heard us. The government could not ignore us and knows it will have to respect our legitimacy. The word we bring in peace has become fact that speaks for itself. Even some of the commercial media were forced to listen and transmit our proposals, though many others continued to distort the truth. The solidarity of the world was present and accompanied us. We recognize the responsibility that all this implies. It is a collective responsibility to continue our work and take up the challenge. This mandate collects what has happened in the past and signals our plans for the present.
We register the irresponsible and disrespectful posture of the President of the Republic towards the first indigenous and popular congress, and reject his lies about the motives and content of this congress to public opinion when he describes this peaceful, civil, democratic gathering as a political act of terrorists. On September 2, days before the congress, the prosecutor general’s office detained elder Alcibiades Escue on false charges in an act this congress calls a political kidnapping. The President declared today, during the final public audience, that he has taken over the case of Alcibiades Escue and that the Congress is headed by parliamentarians and political opposition who have had no influence whatsoever on our process. This shows the weakness of a government that relies on lies and force to silence the truth of the people when they assume their dignity.
Agenda and Position of the First Congress
The commissions ratified the following position for this Minga.
-What is happening in this country and in our territories is serious, urgent, and we must mobilize immediately.
-The situation of emergency is due to a deep problem related to neoliberal globalization and for that reason the first action is a part of a struggle in the medium and long term. The results that follow FTAA and other free trade agreements are some of the most dangerous and destructive forms of aggression that will impel constitutional changes which will in turn impel more war and terror.
-Urgent mobilizations are neither the beginning nor the end of the struggle, but a stage of the process that we propose to create in minga, a process of indigenous and popular alternatives to make possible a country that is just, democratic, respectful of all its people, and peaceful.
Based on the above analysis, the themes debated in commissions and plenary sessions at the indigenous and popular congress were the following:
1. Defense of life and human rights facing the armed conflict and the politics of “democratic security”
2. The Constitutional “Reforms”
3. FTAA and other free trade agreements
4. Mechanisms for the construction of popular resistance and sovereignty
The indigenous and popular mandate for life, justice, joy, freedom and autonomy:
The authorities, organizations, processes and people participating in the First Indigenous and Popular Congress decide:
1. To declare ourselves under INDEFINITE PERMANENT ASSEMBLY until we have definitively overcome the threats against our life and integrity.
2. To establish the Indigenous Popular Congress to assume and deepen the themes of this Minga, to constitute and consolidate the process and Plan of Resistance and Life of Peoples. The congress will initiate sessions in the Peace and Coexistence Territory of La Maria, Piendamo, but it will have an itinerant character and will have sessions throughout the national territory, facilitated and led by all popular processes.
3. To create a PERMANENT TRIBUNAL OF THE PEOPLES with participation by people of the highest capacity at the national and international level, to examine, pronounce, recommend and act against the attacks and violations of human rights and the right to life of popular and indigenous organizations and processes.
4. To implement an AUTONOMOUS SYSTEM OF COMMUNICATION AND EXCHANGE OF THE PEOPLE FOR TRUTH AND LIFE
5. To establish a PERMANENT AND AUTONOMOUS DIPLOMATIC MISSION OF THE PEOPLES that will represent organizations and processes in diplomatic questions internationally, with representation from the international commissions of the movements and processes within the country.
6. Develop a SOLIDARITY ECONOMY and establish markets and mechanisms of production and exchange that will be reciprocal and oriented to defending and promoting life and the good of the communities.
7. Collect, analyze, deepen and adopt the recommendations and conclusions of the thematic commissions of the congress, as well as the declarations, agreements, pronouncements and resolutions of the organizations, movements, and events where positions and proposals were brought.
The Congress declares the following:
With regard to the armed conflict, the violation of human rights and the politics of “democratic security”
-To design and put in place popular mechanisms for a negotiated solution to the armed conflict.
-To demand truth, justice, and reparations for the victims of armed conflict.
-Promote popular and autonomous mechanisms of civil resistance, peace and security that include the recognition of the Guardia Indigena as a popular force for peace.
-Demand and design mechanisms of civil resistance with national and international pressure, support, and observation to win the exit of armed groups from our territories and respect for the civil population, respect for indigenous autonomy and indigenous organizations.
-Design mechanisms of resistance and civil disobedience against the politics of “democratic security” of the Colombian government.
With regard to FTAA and free trade
-Convoke organizations and the people of Colombia to develop the actions needed to stop negotiations of these agreements and promote a Popular Referendum against the Free Trade Agreement and FTAA.
With regard to the Constitutional Reforms:
-Demand the suspension of any attempt at constitutional reform and demand that in future, any proposed reform must be submitted to popular consultation and approval.
Follow-Up
Indigenous authorities and leaders present at this first congress will design an Indigenous and Popular Commission responsible for the design of mechanisms and agenda to fulfill this mandate as rapidly as possible. The criteria for selecting members of the commission must include: participation from diverse sectors; legitimacy of representation in the name of organizations and processes; and recognized capacity to do the assigned work. We will continue to act to confront the political kidnapping of elder Alcibiades Escue (*TRANSLATOR’S NOTE: ALCIBIADES WAS RELEASED AFTER MUCH POPULAR MOBILIZATION AND IS BACK IN INDIGENOUS TERRITORY – OCTOBER 6, 2004).
Words without action are empty.
Action without words is blind.
Words and action without the spirit of community are death.
For life, justice, freedom and autonomy, we continue to move forward.
Doesn’t sound quite as good as BushKerry, but still.
If I identified one key line out of the BushKerry debate, it was “kill”, how badly Kerry wanted to “kill the terrorists”. Edwards wants to kill too, but I think the line of tonight’s debate has to be Dick Cheney’s. In a spirited attempt to wrest the killer title back from John Kerry/John Edwards, he noted — at least twice, that “We’ve killed thousands” (of al-Qaeda, of course).
Was that always something to be so proud of? “We’ve killed thousands”?
So, I spent some time watching the John Edwards vs. Dick Cheney debate. It’s on right now. An educational experience I’ll be returning to shortly. I learned that Kerry and Edwards want to strengthen sanctions against Iran. Edwards also seems quite close to calling Cheney a liar, which is good I suppose. He called attention to the real situation in Afghanistan, for example, though only a little. At the point that I left the TV, Cheney was starting to lose his composure. I was intrigued reading Tom Engelhardt’s thought that withdrawal is now entering the public discourse.
Of course, while they debate, the US is smashing Sadr City in Baghdad (winning hearts and minds?), there’s a story in the media about some US soldiers who tortured an Iraqi to death at Abu Ghraib, Israel is continuing to kill Palestinians in Gaza (we’re up to 92 in 7 days). About that latter, there’s no need to worry: the US will be vetoing a proposed UN resolution about the invasion. US Ambassador John Danforth, without any sense of irony given that the ordinance used Israeli and US weapon systems does sever limbs from their bodies quite regularly, is willing to “bet either my left or my right arm that this resolution will not pass”.
Haitian Police are also engaging in major terror operations all over Port Au Prince right now. Today they cordoned off the western slum of Martissant and are “sweeping” their way through. By the sounds of it, it really is a genuine return to the 1991-1994 days of dictatorship and terror: “Dead bodies have been seen lying in the streets and there are even reports of many disappearances. Searches in relevant places such as hospitals or morgues have not revealed the whereabouts of those disappeared. Those who have been wounded in the shootings cannot obtain vital medical treatment for fear of being further targeted. In one known case, the police have intervened to remove someone who has been shot in the stomach from a hospital in Cité Soleil while he was there seeking treatment.”
Believe it or not, though, I hadn’t intended this post to be a roundup of the world under occupation, nor for the title to be a tongue-in-cheek exposure of US hypocrisy. Instead, I wanted to mention an important initiative that is underway that is genuinely about democracy in action. Some readers might be familiar with the unofficial referendum on the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas held in Brazil in 2002, in which about 10 million voted and 98% of them rejected the FTAA. This campaign greatly strengthened the Brazilian government’s hand in the negotiations — it was a very powerful and important move against the FTAA.
Well, Peruvian social organizations are making a push to take the continental campaign against neoliberalism even further. The Brazilian plebescite was unofficial — the Peruvians are trying to force a general referendum on FTAA. They’ll be mobilizing against FTAA on October 12. I’ll report whatever I hear here…
Please see the previous entry about the arrests of October 2, in which Lavalas members were arrested right out of a radio station where they had been criticizing the human rights record of the police. These three leaders, Former Deputy Roudy Hérivaux, Senator Yvon Feuillé, and Senator Gerald Gilles, have a base in the Haitian slum of Bel Air. Authorities are prepared to release Gilles, but not the others — who are accused of committing acts of violence on September 30.
One of the victims of violence on September 30: Marguerite Saint-Fils, 35, shot in her home by police from the CIMO unit during the course of an operation in La Saline.
On that day — Sept. 30 — police opened fire on unarmed demonstrators. From the Haiti Information Project report: “Members of the special police unit were seen firing on demonstrators and collecting bodies before masked gunmen returned fire killing three and wounding a fourth who later died in the hospital. ”
“The police action in Bel Air began this morning after a spokewoman for the Haitian National Police (PNH) asked listeners on local Radio Metropole to call the police “if you suspect there are Lavalas chimere in your neighborhood. We will come and get them immediately.” There are no reports of casualties on either side as the police continue to control all entrances to the Haitian slum. ”
Here are the HIP reports:
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October 4, 2004 – 4:00 PM
Gunfire erupts in Haiti’s slums
Haiti Information Project (HIP) – Residents in the slum of Bel Air exchanged gunfire today with police surrounding their neighborhood. Heavily armed units of the Haitian National Police cordoned off the area earlier this morning following an ultimatum issued by residents demanding the release of three of their leaders who were arrested on Saturday. Lavalas militants threatened to take to the streets in a new wave of protests unless Former Deputy Roudy Hérivaux, Senator Yvon Feuillé, and Senator Gerald Gilles were freed unconditionally.
Haitian officials announced earlier in the day that they would free Gilles citing a lack of evidence implicating him in the violence of September 30th. Minister of Justice Bernard Gousse continues to maintain that Hérivaux and Feuillé were the “intellectual authors” of the violence.
Bel Air is a slum in the capital of Port au Prince that served as a launching site for recent demonstrations demanding the return of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Aristide was ousted last February 29th amid charges he was kidnapped by U.S. Marines and remains in exile in the Republic of South Africa. The Bel Air slum has been under siege by police since violence erupted on September 30th after police opened fire on unarmed demonstrators. Witnesses say a unit of the Unite de Securite Presidentielle (U.S.P), a special security detail assigned to Interim President Boniface Alexandre, came under attack after police opened fire on the marchers. Members of the special police unit were seen firing on demonstrators and collecting bodies before masked gunmen returned fire killing three and wounding a fourth who later died in the hospital.
The U.S.-backed government claims that the headless bodies of the policemen were later recovered and that Aristide supporters have launched a campaign emulating beheadings in Iraq called “Operation Baghdad.” Representatives of Aristide’s Family Lavalas party have denied the allegations. A party spokesman in Bel Air reiterated “it was the police who provoked the violence by firing on demonstrators who were demanding the return of President Aristide.”
The police action in Bel Air began this morning after a spokewoman for the Haitian National Police (PNH) asked listeners on local Radio Metropole to call the police “if you suspect there are Lavalas chimere in your neighborhood. We will come and get them immediately.” There are no reports of casualties on either side as the police continue to control all entrances to the Haitian slum.
Reports from throughout the capital describe heavily armed police units backed up by unidentified paramilitaries taking up positions at major intersections in Port au Prince. Witnesses are also reporting heavy gunfire in Cite Soleil another slum known for its staunch support of Aristide.
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October 4, 2004 – 11:50 AM
Haiti slum surrounded by police
Haiti Information Project (HIP)
Haiti Information Project (HIP) – A slum in the capital is completely surrounded by the Haitian National Police (PNH) this morning following four days of violence and unrest. Heavily armed units of the PNH are positioned at all major thoroughfares around the community. “There is complete panic in Bel Air at this moment, people have already been shot and we expect this to be a massacre” said a frightened resident.
Police attempted nighttime raids in Bel Air on October 2nd and 3rd but were forced to withdraw after meeting fierce armed resistance. Shots could be heard throughout the area for several hours on both nights as residents fought a pitched battle with the police.
Bel Air is a slum in the capital of Port au Prince that served as a launching site for recent demonstrations commemorating the thirteenth anniversary of the 1991 military coup against Jean-Bertrand Aristide. On September 30th the police opened fire on unarmed demonstrators provoking an attack against a unit of the Unite de Securite Presidentielle (U.S.P), a special security detail assigned to Interim President Boniface Alexandre. Members of the special police unit were seen firing on demonstrators and collecting bodies before masked gunmen returned fire killing three and wounding a fourth who later died in the hospital.
The U.S.-backed government claims that the headless bodies of the policemen were later recovered and that Aristide backers have launched a campaign emulating Iraq called “Operation Baghdad.” Representatives of Aristide’s Family Lavalas party have denied the allegations. They reiterated it was the police who provoked the violence by firing on unarmed demonstrators who were demanding the return of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide who remains in exile in the Republic of South Africa.
Political tensions ratcheted up further in Haiti after three Lavalas representatives were arrested on Saturday after participating in a broadcast on local Radio Caraibes FM. During the course of the program, Former Deputy Roudy Hérivaux, former Lavalas Senator Yvon Feuillé, and former Lavalas Senator Gerald Gilles denounced the violence and condemned the police for firing on unarmed demonstrators on September 30th. At 5:55 PM the police entered Radio Caraibes and arrested the three on charges of “inciting violence” related to September 30th. The police action was condemned by the management of Radio Caraibes stating that it “harms the reputation of the station and is an infringement of freedom of expression.” Radio Caraibes has suspended broadcasting indefinitely in protest.
The police action in Bel Air began this morning after the spokesperson for the Haitian National Police (PNH) asked listeners on local Radio Metropole to call them “if you suspect there are Lavalas chimere in your neighborhood. We will come and get them immediately.”
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The Haiti Information Project (HIP) is a non-profit alternative news service providing coverage and analysis of breaking developments in Haiti.
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October 3, 2004
Paramilitaries shoot Aristide supporters
Haiti Information Project (HIP)
Port au Prince, Haiti (HIP) – Reports are surfacing from many neighborhoods in the capital of paramilitary forces aligned with the US-backed regime of Latortue patrolling at night and shooting suspected supporters of ousted president Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Witnesses in the neighborhoods of Delmas 19, 30, 32 and 33 report heavily armed men in civilian clothes pulling up in cars and commandeering intersections at approximately 6:30 PM for two nights in a row. “They stop you and ask you political questions about Aristide and Lavalas. They ask you what you think about Latortue. If they think you like Aristide they will shoot you where you stand. I saw two young men I know who were killed that way Friday night. We are terrified and many people have left Delmas 30 out of fear” said 52 year-old Gladys who declined to give her last name.
This new development comes after four days of confrontations between the Haitian National Police (PNH) and supporters of Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s Family Lavalas party. Violence broke out throughout the capital of Port au Prince on September 30th after the police fired at unarmed demonstrators. Bel Air, a slum in the capital that has served as a launching site for recent Lavalas demonstrations, is under nightly siege by the police. According to witnesses, elements of the PNH attempted to enter Bel Air for a second straight night in a row and were repelled by residents.
Political tensions ratcheted up further after three Lavalas representatives were arrested yesterday after participating in a broadcast on local Radio Caraibes FM. During the course of the program, Former Deputy Roudy Hérivaux , former Lavalas Senator Yvon Feuillé, and former Lavalas Senator Gerald Gilles denounced the violence and condemned the police for firing on unarmed demonstrators on September 30th. At 5:55 PM the police entered Radio Caraibes and arrested the three on charges of “inciting violence” related to September 30th. The police action was condemned by the management of Radio Caraibes stating that it “harms the reputation of the station and is an infringement of freedom of expression.” Radio Caraibes announced it would suspend broadcasting indefinitely in protest.
The Haiti Information Project is an important initiative that tries to provide breaking news on the situation in Haiti. They will probably have a website running soon. Meantime, you can count on websites like this one to republish their notes.
Let me start with October 2. These reports provide an anatomy of the ongoing witch hunt and slaughter of Lavalas people by the paramilitary killers who the US/Canada/France has installed to replace Aristide.
Three Lavalas parliamentarians from the old government were on the radio, Radio Caraibe, criticizing the current government. The Haitian police busted in and arrested them. Another former legislator protested the arrests, so the police arrested him too.
“Former Senators Yvon Feuillé and Gerard Gilles, and former Deputy Rudy Hérivaux. The three form the Communications Commission of the Fanmi Lavalas party, and all three are prominent critics of human rights violations carried out by Haiti’s Transitional Government. Lawyer Axène Joseph, also a former Deputy, was arrested when he protested the other arrests.”
This comes at the end of a week of a lot of killing of Lavalas activists. See the story below. I had originally planned to summarize it, but it is very concise. I have
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Haiti Human Rights Alert: Illegal Arrest of Political Leaders October 2, 2004
On Saturday October 02, 2004, Haitian police forcibly entered Haiti’s Radio Caraibe and arrested three former parliamentarians from the Fanmi Lavalas party who had criticized the Interim Government during a radio program. They arrested a fourth former legislator who protested the arrests. The warrantless arrests were illegal and a clear violation of the detainees’ freedom of association and of expression. They take place in the context of a wave of police persecution of human rights critics, and verbal attacks on critics by Haiti’s Prime Minister.
The three arrested for criticizing the government were former Senators Yvon Feuillé and Gerard Gilles, and former Deputy Rudy Hérivaux. The three form the Communications Commission of the Fanmi Lavalas party, and all three are prominent critics of human rights violations carried out by Haiti’s Transitional Government. Lawyer Axène Joseph, also a former Deputy, was arrested when he protested the other arrests.
Feuillé, Gilles and Hérivaux had gone to Radio Caraibe to participate on the station’s 11AM “Ranmasé” program, along with Evans Paul and Himmler Rébu, both prominent critics of the Lavalas party. The program’s subject was violence accompanying recent anti-government demonstrations. Feuillé, Gilles and Hérivaux denounced the violence, and condemned the police for firing on unarmed demonstrators. Before the program ended, heavily armed police officers from the Port-au-Prince police headquarters and specialized units surrounded the station and announced their intention to arrest the three parliamentarians.
Radio Caraibe’s Station Manager, Patrick Mossignac, refused to allow the police entry into the station, citing the Haitian Constitution’s protection of free speech. Himmler Rébu and Evens Paul remained in the station to protest the police action. A standoff ensued, until just before 6 PM (the Constitution prohibits arrests, even with a warrant, after 6 PM). At that point Judge Gabriel Amboise, a Justice of the Peace, instructed the police to cut the locks and make the arrests. The three Parliamentarians did not resist arrest, and were taken by the police from the Station Manager’s office to the Port-au-Prince police holding cells. Lawyer Axène Joseph, also a former Deputy, was arrested earlier in the day when he arrived to protest the other arrests.
Lawyers for the arrestees demanded that Judge Amboise produce a warrant, as required by Haiti’s Constitution. The Judge refused, claiming that a verbal order from the Commissaire du Gouvernement (Chief Prosecutor) gave him the authority to make the arrest. He also refused to state the charge against the defendants. Throughout the day, however, government and police sources made announcements purporting to link Feuillé, Gilles and Hérivaux to recent violence. The police also claimed that a car belonging to one of the three contained automatic weapons, but dropped this claim when journalists and human rights observers on the scene insisted that the police, not the parliamentarians, had brought that car.
The October 2 arrests follow a sharp upturn in attacks against critics of the interim government’s human rights policies. On September 7, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights issued a statement expressing concern “over several key areas in which the basic rights and freedoms of Haitians remain weak and imperiled.” On September 16, Radio Caraibe aired an interview with Interim Prime Minister Gerard Latortue, in which Latortue complained that human rights criticism was making his relations with donor countries difficult. Later that day police officers raided the offices of the Confederation of Haitian Workers (CTH) labor union and arrested nine union members, all without a warrant. The official justification for the arrest was that the defendants were “close to the Lavalas authorities.” Hours later, masked men in military attire attacked the office of the Committee for the Protection of the Rights of the Haitian People (CDPH).
The parliamentarians join many other officials of Haiti’s Constitutional government in jail, including former Prime Minister Yvon Neptune and former Minister of the Interior Jocelerme Privert and former Delegate Jacques Mathelier. All are held illegally: neither Prime Minister Neptune nor Minister Privert have ever been brought before the judge who issued their arrest warrant. Mr. Mathelier was brought before a judge, who ordered his liberation on July 12, but prison authorities transferred Mathelier out of that judge’s jurisdiction.
On Thursday, police interrupted a legal demonstration commemorating the anniversary of Haiti’s September 30, 1991 coup d’etat. Human rights observers accompanying the demonstration reported that police fired on the march, after several attempts to disperse it failed. On the morning of October 1, interim Prime Minister Latortue conceded in a radio interview that the police had shot at protesters and individuals had been killed, and indicated that the authorities would take action against further protests.
Many media reports claim that demonstrators retaliated against the police on September 30, killing three. But before the demonstration started, the police had reported three police officers had been attacked in a firefight with a crime gang early that morning, with one killed and two wounded. The Interim Government claims to have recovered three bodies of decapitated officers, but did not announce their names and the Port-au-Prince morgue had not received the bodies of any of the three as of 4 PM on Friday. Media reports also say that the violence occurred when demonstrators tried to pass before the National Palace. In fact, the unprovoked shooting happened several blocks beyond the Palace, at the Rue des Casernes.
The end of last week saw a sharp increase in warrantless arrests and shootings of Lavalas supporters by police and anti-Lavalas paramilitary groups. IJDH has received reports from all over Port-au-Prince, especially in poor neighborhoods. The cases that we have been able to confirm so far are:
September 30:
Marguerite Saint-Fils, 35, shot in her home by police from the CIMO unit during the course of an operation in La Saline . Accel Savain, age 23 a Lavalas leader. Police searched his home without a warrant, and although they found no illegality, they arrested him after finding a T-shirt supporting President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
Amel Prince, 25; Lamarre Prince, 21; Amboise Frantz, 20; Wilfred Amboise, 32; Jean Noel, 14; Laurent Yves, 21; Johny Rudolph, 23; Sonel Laguerre, 26; Michelin Michelle, 26, all arrested on Boulevard LaSaline, on September 30, all without warrants.
October 1: Wendy Manigat, age 15, shot and killed by police during an operation in Bel-Air
Roland Braneluce, 28, shot by police during a demonstration at Rue Tiremasse.
Lesly Gustave, a member of the National Committee of Reflection of Famni Lavalas, was arrested at approximately 4 PM on October 1, without a warrant. Police are reportedly searching for the remaining members of the committee.
In addition to police persecution, residents of Cite Soleil report that anti-Lavalas armed gangs have been targeting Lavalas supporters over the last few days. Those killed include:
Maxo Casséus, a leader of a grassroots organization in Cite Soleil, killed on September 30.
Piersine Adéma, a resident Soleil 9 in her sixties, killed while sitting in front of her house, reportedly by the same group that killed Maxo Casséus.
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