Fighting Neoliberalism (and Neoconservatism)

So, as the movements promised, Oct 12 was a day of mobilization against Free Trade Agreement of the Americas. Oct 12, I didn’t realize until the day itself, is the “Day of Indigenous, Black, and Popular Resistance” in the Americas. In Colombia there was a march of some 300,000 — in Medellin, Cali, Bucaramanga, Barranquilla, Cartagena, and other cities, there were large demonstrations. The platform was against bilateral “Free Trade” with the US, against Uribe’s re-election, and a for political solution to armed conflict.

In Peru, the main action of the 12th was the beginning of the collection of signatures to begin the process of an official referendum on Free Trade.

In Bolivia, thousands began on October 11 to march from Caracollo to the seat of government in La Paz (a distance of 190km, so the plan is to get to La Paz on the 18th). They want a new law regulating hydrocarbons and they want to sanction the President for human rights violations.

In Costa Rica, 30,000 marched against bilateral free trade with the US. There were other demonstrations all over Central America and the Caribbean: El Salvador, Panama, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic.

On a personal note: While they were battling neoliberalism in Latin America, however, I was experiencing neoconservatism in the United States. It made me realize just how different these two killers of aspirations in the world really are.

I listened to a little talk radio, for example. All of the AM radio stations are talk radio. Local hosts. All deeply, profoundly right wing and taking repetitive, hateful aim not at the left (which doesn’t exist in any form which these guys think it’s worth attacking) but at “liberals” and “liberalism”, exemplified by Kerry.

I realize there’s been a ton written about this but I realized then that the difference between John Kerry and George W. Bush is not so much what they say or what they promise to do or what they will do once in office. The difference is that John Kerry is a slimy politician flailing around looking for a winning formula and George Bush is at the head of a massive, incredibly well organized, incredibly well disciplined, incredibly well resourced, truly revolutionary movement. And movements, radicals ought to understand, are serious business.

Movements can force governments out of power. Movements can constrain what elites can do even from a position of opposition. Movements can organize for the long haul and change the culture and context in which everyone has to operate. Movements can set the agenda even if they do not have majority support, compensating for that with ideological clarity, discipline, and organization. And that is exactly what the right has done in the US.

Its enemies, as I have said, are not the left — if, by the left, we mean people who want equality, solidarity, some radical notions of democracy, liberation for the third world and oppressed people. Those principles are not part of mainstream discourse, they are not part of the political culture, and the right doesn’t need to take them on in any serious way. Instead, the enemies of the right are the liberalism that people outside of the US have long believed defined the US: secularism, the separation of church and state, checks and balances in government, freedom of speech, journalistic independence, academic freedom, and indeed rational thought or debate itself. It is not any particular arguments about society or the future that is being undermined day by day in the US by the work of this movement. It is the possibility of having rational argument itself, the basis for having an argument — agreement on the rules of evidence, logic, and reasoning.

I just started reading Thomas Frank’s book “What’s the matter with Kansas” which this article by Serge Halimi about these issues cites. These pieces describe how all this came to pass.

I realize I’m coming to all this a little late in the game, but that’s part of the point — people outside of the US have very little idea what an important development the coming to power of this movement is. Partly because the movement itself is so oriented towards the US and part of its ideology is contempt for the rest of the world. Partly because radicals in the rest of the world are so focused on neoliberalism as the enemy.

But like many latecomers, once I notice something I start to see it everywhere. Like in Chomsky’s blog entry today:


Activists have quite different concerns. They are engaged with the public, and try to help in the growth and development of popular organizations that will become powerful enough so that they cannot be ignored by centers of power. If Pat Robertson says, as he recently did, that he’ll start a third party unless the Republicans are sufficiently extreme in “support of Israel,” that’s a threat, because he might be able to mobilize tens of millions of evangelical Christians who already form a significant political force, thanks to extensive work over decades from local levels and on, and on numerous issues apart from the political choices from school boards to presidents.

A lot of different ideas come up. In a book of interviews with David Barsamian called “Confronting Empire”, lifelong anti-imperialist activist Eqbal Ahmad said that one limitation on the US’s ability to be an empire was that the American people just “did not have the will to dominate”. His example? The American people’s reaction to the Clinton sex scandal — a society with a real will to dominate would have punished Clinton severely. I believe that things have changed in the years since Eqbal Ahmad said those words, and that things go further and further in the direction of domination each day. In the 1990s, Michael Albert described the United States as an “organizer’s paradise” because dissatisfaction with the status quo was so widespread. Well it was an organizer’s paradise, and then the right went to work, and now tens of millions of the poor are diehard and organized with the goals of destroying liberalism and, to use a phrase out of Thomas Frank’s book, “repealing the twentieth century”.

I’m about to watch the debate now, but I can already tell you that the liberals are not ready for this battle. They aren’t sure they want to fight it, and they definitely wouldn’t know what to do if they won. They want to try to convince the constituency of this movement that the fact that the Democrats would slow the slashing of what little economic programs still exist makes them the natural choice for the working people who are voting Republican. But it won’t work. Those people are not being duped by the Republicans. They are making moral choices — in their view, to defend America, to spite hypocritical and patronizing liberals, to stop the murder of foetuses, to keep the sacred right to bear arms. And, like radicals, they are willing to sacrifice for these moral choices. Sacrifice education for their children, maybe, sacrifice health care, maybe, sacrifice a whole world of opportunities and solidarity, even. Though, to be fair, no one is offering them any of these latter — certainly the Democrats are not, and radicals don’t really get the chance.

What’s important for radicals to understand though is that the enemy isn’t just elites and it isn’t just the business class or corporations or neoliberals. It is an organized mass movement, including a huge number of poor people. Bush is so effective because he concentrates on his constituency and ignores the rest — the majority of the population. Liberals might be more effective if they did the same: if they focused on blacks, latinos, women, unionists, immigrants — on cultural, social, and political issues. Making moral arguments and writing off the hard right movement’s constituencies the way the hard right has written off these constituencies. But they won’t do so. What’s left for them is to try to convince the elite that they can do the job better than the Republicans can. The trouble is that this movement is now a player in the game, perhaps every bit as powerful as the elite, and has to be taken into account in any equation of power. This is a new environment. Radicals have to understand this in order to figure out how to operate in the world.

Now I’m off to watch the third and final presidential debate.

Haiti and Brazil

Let’s summarize a little. Aristide was forced out of Haiti in a paramilitary coup because the US was arming the paramilitaries and Aristide had no force of his own. By all accounts, his people, the Lavalas activists and grassroots, were actually much more radical and had much more will to resist and fight for their country’s independence and against a return of the vicious dictatorship that plagued that country for decades (with a very brief and partial interruption under Aristide). But Aristide needed to take the lead, and Aristide did not, and so the coup happened.

There was some international sentiment against the coup, from South Africa, Venezuela, Jamaica, and a few other countries — but most of the countries who you might have hoped would defend the independence and democracy of a small weak country did not do so. Instead, countries like Brazil, Chile, and Argentina joined the UN occupation force that is effectively guaranteeing that neither Aristide nor democracy can be restored, while the forces of the Haitian dictatorship reconstitute themselves and return to their work of liquidating the social and activist base of the popular movements in the country.

It is early to tell. But there are beginning to be signs that the Haitian movements are engaging in armed resistance against the occupation and the Haitian police.

I’ve been republishing and reporting news from the Haiti Information Project here (get on their list by writing ot haitiinformationproject@yahoo.com). Today’s report says that the slum of Bel Air, a very poor part of the very poor city of Port Au Prince, is still being besieged by Haitian police and UN troops. Those forces have been raiding into the slum for days now, but people in the slum have been shooting back. It all started on September 30 with a set of killings and arrests against unarmed Lavalas demonstrators. They’ve been ‘sweeping’ the slums since, killing a few here, arresting a few dozen there. In Bel Air yesterday, the Haitian Police and Brazilian UN troops raided a slum, killed 5, and arrested 34, according to the HIP report, which uses testimony from residents. According to those same residents, one of the Brazilian soldiers was wounded in the foot by gunfire.

There was a story that crept into the mainstream media about Lavalas people beheading Haitian police and calling it “Operation Baghdad”. This is being used to justify the raids. I’m dubious. There’s very little real evidence. And in any case resistance movements don’t just start off by beheading people. They start off as this one might be — demonstrations, that are then repressed; firing back at vicious raids. It’s all very convenient too, a pretext to attack and do mass reprisals in the neighbourhoods and a chance to smear Haitians and Iraqis all at once.

The problem is that if this does become an insurgency/counterinsurgency dynamic, Haitians will have the same problem they always have had. The people they are fighting are the most powerful in the world or backed by them. They, by contrast, are almost completely alone and no one in the world seems to care at all.

Gaza death toll… 112 and counting

The best place to follow it is IMEMC, it seems to me.

Over the course of an invasion like this, mistakes tend to happen. Like, for example, the mistake Israeli snipers made when they shot 13-year old Iman Alhamas 20 times. Not to worry though. “Military sources… said the case was being investigated and confirmed the possibility that she had been shot from several posts.”

Some disappointments from Brazil and for Haiti

Stan Goff argued in a recent article that participation of countries like Brazil, Argentina, in Chile in the coup against Haiti is not only opportunistic and unprincipled, but unlikely to get those countries anything in the bargain. Here’s a quote from him:

This acquiescence — no, collaboration — with the diktat of the US will not loosen the parasitic grip of the Imperial Center on a single Latin American, nor will it ameliorate that Center’s intent to continue exploiting the entire region until it is used up and dead. This pious fantasy that cooperation will be rewarded has been the downfall of many a leader, including Aristide who was taken from his home after calling for “peaceful mobilization” even in the faced of murderous paramilitaries.

(Part of why I like Goff is that he doesn’t mince words). Many think all this is angling for a seat at the UN security council. Which, if that’s what Brazil is after, is a really pathetic goal. The US will still be able to veto whatever it wants and it will still continue to treat the UN with contempt.

For those who hoped for more when Lula was elected — in Brazil and out — there are more disappointments in Brazil’s recent foreign policy.

Not only are Brazilian troops ratifying the coup in Haiti, they are now helping the Haitian Police cleanse Haiti of Aristide supporters. On October 6, Reuters reported the following:

Clashes between police and criminal gangs and violence between the gangs have killed 45 people in recent days, including seven policemen. The military commander of the U.N. troops, Brazilian Gen. Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira, said Haitian authorities must act, but only on the basis of credible intelligence. “We cannot intervene without good intelligence. Otherwise if we go to the slums and start shooting on all that moves, it’s going to be a carnage,” Heleno said.

Take what Reuters says and add it to what the reporters of Haiti Information Project are putting out. This is from their report yesterday:

UN forces using Armored Personnel Vehicles (APV’s) and attack trained dogs are currently taking up positions around the pro-Aristide slum of Bel Air. They are joined by heavily armed units of the Haitian police following a statement by Minister of Justice Bernard Gousse that the U.S.-backed government would give a “muscular response” to opponents of the regime. This comes one day after the Haitian National Police (PNH) and UN officials held meetings to formulate a plan to end armed resistance that broke out after police fired on unarmed demonstrators on September 30th.

A UN helicopter could been seen circling overhead as APV’s manned by Brazilian troops took up positions around the slum. Unidentified UN troops could be seen handling what appeared to be special canine units as frightened residents ran for cover. A spokesperson for PNH announced the action involved 200 UN troops with 150 Haitian police and that more than 75 persons have been arrested in Bel Air this morning.

Brazilian President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva met with U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell yesterday where the deteriorating situation in Haiti topped the agenda. Brazil’s role in leading the UN mission was recently criticized by representatives of Aristide’s Lavalas party. They charged the UN forces did nothing to stop the Haitian police from provoking this latest crisis by firing on unarmed demonstrators on September 30th. Despite the destabilizing role played by the Haitian police, UN Special Representative Juan Gabriel Valdés reiterated “the U.S.-backed UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) will continue to work in support of the Haitian police in maintaining public order, thereby helping to ensure the security of Haiti’s citizens and respect for the rule of law.”

Could it be that the “criminal gangs” that the police are bravely battling with UN help are really Aristide supporters who have finally started in some small ways to resist getting liquidated all over the country by the dictatorship?

There is reason to believe that that kind of alchemy happens in the media. Take a look at this report, for example, from a tiny Canadian group called “Haiti News Watch”, “an independent organization dedicated to fact checking news sources related to coverage of events in Haiti. Our reports and analysis of news content is intended to provide readers with story context and the background of sources used in published articles related to Haiti.”

Haiti News Watch found in a CBC (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation) story of October 6 titled “Aristide supporters threaten continued violence in Haiti”, a quotation that said:

“The pro-Aristide factions took machetes, guns, rocks and bottles and roamed through a Port-au-Prince slum, threatening to behead foreigners.”

They looked up the source. It was an AP story by Amy Bracken of the same day, October 6, 4:22pm ET: “One angry man in Bel Air thrust a gun into the face of an Associated Press reporter Wednesday, yelled expletives against President Bush and U.N. peacekeepers, then screamed: “We are going to kidnap some Americans and cut off their heads.”

And that, dear readers, is how “One angry man” with a gun becomes a “faction”
with “machetes, guns, rocks and bottles”.

The disappointments are not over yet, though.

In addition to this kind of behaviour in occupied Haiti, Brazil has decided that it is going to collaborate with Washington’s Drug War as well, sharing radar data about planes flying over the Amazon, according to a Reuters story of today. What happened to the Brazil that made the “small gesture of national dignity” those months ago? A lot of Brazilians are asking that question. The price of US scraps at the Security Council table seems far too high.

More on fighting FTAA

Rumours of the death of the anti-capitalist globalization movement have been greatly exaggerated. In Latin America, even in countries like Colombia that have civil wars to worry about, the fight against neoliberalism is still the battle. The fact that neoliberalism is still the major killer in Latin America has caused some of our best activist minds to mix up neoliberals and neoconservatives. But that’s a tale for another day.

I blogged a couple of days ago (in an admittedly convoluted way) about social movements in Peru and their plan to mobilize for an anti-FTAA (for readers just tuning in, FTAA is the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas, and it is one of those “free trade” agreements that ought to be called “investor rights” agreements, in that they give multinational investors rights that supercede citizens’ life-and-death human rights. If you want background on this ZNet’s Globalization section is a good place to start). Yesterday I blogged about the Indigenous and Popular Congress in Colombia, which is moving quickly to establish itself all over the country.

Well, it turns out one of the commitments the Indigenous and Popular Congress has made is to join Peru’s social movements in a major anti-FTAA mobilization on October 12.

In Ecuador, they are planning protests at the US Embassy on that day.

Today in Colombia, there is another major march going on from Santander to Bogota (an enormous distance!) to protest health care privatization.

This is in a country where paramilitaries are continuing to kill with impunity. On October 2, for example, 27-year old Yorbeli Amparo Restrepo was assassinated by paramilitaries on an army-controlled road near San Jose de Apartado, a peace community. Union leader from agricultural worker’s union FENSUAGRO Pedro Jaime Mosquera (Vice-President of the Arauca region) was just assassinated.

They are fighting on against neoliberalism despite terrible repression. The contrast with so many of our organizations in North America, which collapsed when needed most because of the upcoming election — as Rahul argues in his blog — is somewhat of a shame.

The First Indigenous and Popular Congress, Colombia

For readers who follow my work because they seek good Colombia information in English, I apologize for not reporting on the situation as much as I should have been. I will try to catch up. There were major and very successful events and mobilizations in Colombia on the part of the indigenous of Northern Cauca. I have translated the final declaration of their massive mobilization that happened last month. Some 60,000 marched for peace, against neoliberalism, and for autonomy. They succeeded in beginning to break the isolation that the government is trying to impose on them. They succeeded against extraordinary challenges and odds. I will write a full article about the mobilization soon. Meanwhile, here are their own words.

The First Popular Indigenous Congress

The Indigenous and Popular Mandate of the Minga for Life, Justice, Joy, Freedom, and Autonomy

Cali, September 18, 2004

The Challenge Before Us

We bring with us the memories and experiences of a long history of struggle and resistance. We rely on our identities and cultures to confront the many threats that face us time and time again. This path has not been easy. Since the Conquest and without cease, arrogance, egoism, ignorance and disrespect have fallen on us with lies, false promises, the power of ever more lethal weapons, and with institutions, laws, and norms that bring us misery, exploitation, pain, and dependence. Each time they attack us, they assure us it is for our own good. Each time we have had to learn the deception, unite and organize to defend ourselves. It has always served us to return to our roots, take advantage of the wisdom of our own collective memory, listen to our elders and pay attention to nature to make ourselves a part of life and defend ourselves by defending it. Time and again we have had to learn to resist and do so differently in accordance with the challenge before us. We have come from far, over a long period. The latest steps have brought us to this Congress of Peoples, the latest stage in this long history. More than the latest stage, it is the beginning of a new path we have decided to take. With the 60,000 that marched to Cali and in other parts of the country, our memories have marched; our elders have marched; those who opened the way by struggling before us, many men and women in many places within and outside of Colombia who have recognized the danger, suffered the pain and got up to march for the other world we know is possible and necessary.

The challenge of this new age is immense. It may be the most serious of our entire history. We suffer a damaging, evil ‘order’. We know this and say it loud. It is not only our cultures, communities, peoples and families who are at risk. It is life itself that can be destroyed by the blindness of those who are using the greatest power in history to make everything that exists part of a market with their project of death.

We know that what must occur does not yet exist except in our own commitment, the memory of everything we live and what we must invent, grow, and protect to open the way.

The project that threatens life does not respect borders – that’s why it is called ‘globalization’. It comes to our communities and into our homes throughout Colombia and the world. It brings war, lies of propaganda, the power of law, and the power of money. It comes for the wealth of nature and the work of people to exploit and sell. Those who control and make decisions to serve their interests are far away. They are in the directorships of large multinational corporations and in the financial centres of the world that end up with everything. They use governments and armies and institutions to do their bidding. They convince us that all this is inevitable.

This is hard to see, understand, resist and change. It requires unity, creativity, solidarity, commitment, sacrifice and work, but also a desire to live. Because we face a large and difficult challenge, this mobilization is also different. We have not come out only to demand something of the government or to denounce, though we are doing that also. This time we come to bring people together, to bring organizations and processes together. We march to express our commitment to unite to work and weave reciprocal solidarity that is necessary to defend life. This time we know that we cannot do it alone and we need one another to understand, resist, and create the possible and necessary world. We have surprised the government, power, the country, and the world because we have not come out to demand what is ours by right. Instead we call this Minga with a proposal so that all peoples can define an indigenous and popular mandate to orient the process and advance from this reality of confusion and death towards a project of life for and from the people.

Our actions show the value of our words. That is why our power to convoke and the force of our arguments grows. For us, our acts of dignity and resistance speak. The first indigenous and popular congress has won its objectives. The country and the world have heard us. The government could not ignore us and knows it will have to respect our legitimacy. The word we bring in peace has become fact that speaks for itself. Even some of the commercial media were forced to listen and transmit our proposals, though many others continued to distort the truth. The solidarity of the world was present and accompanied us. We recognize the responsibility that all this implies. It is a collective responsibility to continue our work and take up the challenge. This mandate collects what has happened in the past and signals our plans for the present.

We register the irresponsible and disrespectful posture of the President of the Republic towards the first indigenous and popular congress, and reject his lies about the motives and content of this congress to public opinion when he describes this peaceful, civil, democratic gathering as a political act of terrorists. On September 2, days before the congress, the prosecutor general’s office detained elder Alcibiades Escue on false charges in an act this congress calls a political kidnapping. The President declared today, during the final public audience, that he has taken over the case of Alcibiades Escue and that the Congress is headed by parliamentarians and political opposition who have had no influence whatsoever on our process. This shows the weakness of a government that relies on lies and force to silence the truth of the people when they assume their dignity.

Agenda and Position of the First Congress

The commissions ratified the following position for this Minga.

-What is happening in this country and in our territories is serious, urgent, and we must mobilize immediately.
-The situation of emergency is due to a deep problem related to neoliberal globalization and for that reason the first action is a part of a struggle in the medium and long term. The results that follow FTAA and other free trade agreements are some of the most dangerous and destructive forms of aggression that will impel constitutional changes which will in turn impel more war and terror.
-Urgent mobilizations are neither the beginning nor the end of the struggle, but a stage of the process that we propose to create in minga, a process of indigenous and popular alternatives to make possible a country that is just, democratic, respectful of all its people, and peaceful.

Based on the above analysis, the themes debated in commissions and plenary sessions at the indigenous and popular congress were the following:

1. Defense of life and human rights facing the armed conflict and the politics of “democratic security”
2. The Constitutional “Reforms”
3. FTAA and other free trade agreements
4. Mechanisms for the construction of popular resistance and sovereignty

The indigenous and popular mandate for life, justice, joy, freedom and autonomy:

The authorities, organizations, processes and people participating in the First Indigenous and Popular Congress decide:

1. To declare ourselves under INDEFINITE PERMANENT ASSEMBLY until we have definitively overcome the threats against our life and integrity.
2. To establish the Indigenous Popular Congress to assume and deepen the themes of this Minga, to constitute and consolidate the process and Plan of Resistance and Life of Peoples. The congress will initiate sessions in the Peace and Coexistence Territory of La Maria, Piendamo, but it will have an itinerant character and will have sessions throughout the national territory, facilitated and led by all popular processes.
3. To create a PERMANENT TRIBUNAL OF THE PEOPLES with participation by people of the highest capacity at the national and international level, to examine, pronounce, recommend and act against the attacks and violations of human rights and the right to life of popular and indigenous organizations and processes.
4. To implement an AUTONOMOUS SYSTEM OF COMMUNICATION AND EXCHANGE OF THE PEOPLE FOR TRUTH AND LIFE
5. To establish a PERMANENT AND AUTONOMOUS DIPLOMATIC MISSION OF THE PEOPLES that will represent organizations and processes in diplomatic questions internationally, with representation from the international commissions of the movements and processes within the country.
6. Develop a SOLIDARITY ECONOMY and establish markets and mechanisms of production and exchange that will be reciprocal and oriented to defending and promoting life and the good of the communities.
7. Collect, analyze, deepen and adopt the recommendations and conclusions of the thematic commissions of the congress, as well as the declarations, agreements, pronouncements and resolutions of the organizations, movements, and events where positions and proposals were brought.

The Congress declares the following:

With regard to the armed conflict, the violation of human rights and the politics of “democratic security”

-To design and put in place popular mechanisms for a negotiated solution to the armed conflict.
-To demand truth, justice, and reparations for the victims of armed conflict.
-Promote popular and autonomous mechanisms of civil resistance, peace and security that include the recognition of the Guardia Indigena as a popular force for peace.
-Demand and design mechanisms of civil resistance with national and international pressure, support, and observation to win the exit of armed groups from our territories and respect for the civil population, respect for indigenous autonomy and indigenous organizations.
-Design mechanisms of resistance and civil disobedience against the politics of “democratic security” of the Colombian government.

With regard to FTAA and free trade

-Convoke organizations and the people of Colombia to develop the actions needed to stop negotiations of these agreements and promote a Popular Referendum against the Free Trade Agreement and FTAA.

With regard to the Constitutional Reforms:

-Demand the suspension of any attempt at constitutional reform and demand that in future, any proposed reform must be submitted to popular consultation and approval.

Follow-Up

Indigenous authorities and leaders present at this first congress will design an Indigenous and Popular Commission responsible for the design of mechanisms and agenda to fulfill this mandate as rapidly as possible. The criteria for selecting members of the commission must include: participation from diverse sectors; legitimacy of representation in the name of organizations and processes; and recognized capacity to do the assigned work. We will continue to act to confront the political kidnapping of elder Alcibiades Escue (*TRANSLATOR’S NOTE: ALCIBIADES WAS RELEASED AFTER MUCH POPULAR MOBILIZATION AND IS BACK IN INDIGENOUS TERRITORY – OCTOBER 6, 2004).

Words without action are empty.
Action without words is blind.
Words and action without the spirit of community are death.

For life, justice, freedom and autonomy, we continue to move forward.

EdwardsCheney: “We’ve killed thousands”

Doesn’t sound quite as good as BushKerry, but still.

If I identified one key line out of the BushKerry debate, it was “kill”, how badly Kerry wanted to “kill the terrorists”. Edwards wants to kill too, but I think the line of tonight’s debate has to be Dick Cheney’s. In a spirited attempt to wrest the killer title back from John Kerry/John Edwards, he noted — at least twice, that “We’ve killed thousands” (of al-Qaeda, of course).

Was that always something to be so proud of? “We’ve killed thousands”?

Continue reading “EdwardsCheney: “We’ve killed thousands””

Democracy in action

So, I spent some time watching the John Edwards vs. Dick Cheney debate. It’s on right now. An educational experience I’ll be returning to shortly. I learned that Kerry and Edwards want to strengthen sanctions against Iran. Edwards also seems quite close to calling Cheney a liar, which is good I suppose. He called attention to the real situation in Afghanistan, for example, though only a little. At the point that I left the TV, Cheney was starting to lose his composure. I was intrigued reading Tom Engelhardt’s thought that withdrawal is now entering the public discourse.

Of course, while they debate, the US is smashing Sadr City in Baghdad (winning hearts and minds?), there’s a story in the media about some US soldiers who tortured an Iraqi to death at Abu Ghraib, Israel is continuing to kill Palestinians in Gaza (we’re up to 92 in 7 days). About that latter, there’s no need to worry: the US will be vetoing a proposed UN resolution about the invasion. US Ambassador John Danforth, without any sense of irony given that the ordinance used Israeli and US weapon systems does sever limbs from their bodies quite regularly, is willing to “bet either my left or my right arm that this resolution will not pass”.

Haitian Police are also engaging in major terror operations all over Port Au Prince right now. Today they cordoned off the western slum of Martissant and are “sweeping” their way through. By the sounds of it, it really is a genuine return to the 1991-1994 days of dictatorship and terror: “Dead bodies have been seen lying in the streets and there are even reports of many disappearances. Searches in relevant places such as hospitals or morgues have not revealed the whereabouts of those disappeared. Those who have been wounded in the shootings cannot obtain vital medical treatment for fear of being further targeted. In one known case, the police have intervened to remove someone who has been shot in the stomach from a hospital in Cité Soleil while he was there seeking treatment.”

Believe it or not, though, I hadn’t intended this post to be a roundup of the world under occupation, nor for the title to be a tongue-in-cheek exposure of US hypocrisy. Instead, I wanted to mention an important initiative that is underway that is genuinely about democracy in action. Some readers might be familiar with the unofficial referendum on the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas held in Brazil in 2002, in which about 10 million voted and 98% of them rejected the FTAA. This campaign greatly strengthened the Brazilian government’s hand in the negotiations — it was a very powerful and important move against the FTAA.

Well, Peruvian social organizations are making a push to take the continental campaign against neoliberalism even further. The Brazilian plebescite was unofficial — the Peruvians are trying to force a general referendum on FTAA. They’ll be mobilizing against FTAA on October 12. I’ll report whatever I hear here…